The DISH

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Vol. 15 No. 2…Dedicated to the Dialogue on Race…January 12, 2011

 

 

Bit of History

Herbert Clark Hoover (1874 -1964)



"Economic depression cannot be cured by legislative action or executive pronouncement. Economic wounds must be healed by the action of the cells of the economic body - the producers and consumers themselves." Herbert Hoover

Born August 10, 1874, in West Branch, Iowa to Jessie Hoover, a blacksmith and farm implement store owner of German and German-Swiss descent, and Hulda Randall Hoover, Herbert Clark Hoover was orphaned at age nine. Since both of his parents were Quakers, fellow Quaker Lawrie Tatum was appointed his guardian.

After brief stays with various relatives, Hoover went to live in Oregon with his uncle John Minthorn, a physician and businessman. Hoover attended Friends Pacific Academy (now George Fox University) and worked as an assistant in his uncle's real estate office. He attended night school and learned bookkeeping, typing, and math and entered Stanford University (1891). The new California College did not require its first students to pay tuition, so Hoover attended college free, graduating in 1895 with a geology degree.

A mining engineer, Hoover traveled the world evaluating prospective mines for potential purchase. He married Lou Henry, the only female geology student at Stanford. The Hoovers had two sons, Herbert Clark Jr. (1903-1969) and Allan Henry (1907-1993).

By 1914, Hoover was a millionaire, securing his wealth from high-salaried positions, ownership of Burmese silver mines, royalties from textbooks on mining engineering, including Principles of Mining (1909), and the Zinc Corporation, which he founded after devising a method to recapture zinc tailings; the company eventually became part of the Rio Tinto Group.

World War I brought Hoover to prominence in US politics. He ran the US Food Administration, which allocated the nation's food resources during the war, and he administered several private relief efforts before, during, and after the conflict. An important war-time adviser to President Woodrow Wilson, he was part of the US delegation to the Versailles peace conference.

Hoover served as secretary of commerce in the Harding and Coolidge administrations. He won the 1928 Republican nomination for President. Upon accepting the nomination, Hoover predicted, "We in America today are nearer to the final triumph over poverty than ever before in the history of any land. The poorhouse is vanishing from among us."

His platform rejected farm subsidies, supported prohibition, pledged lower taxes, and promised more prosperity. Hoover became the man who would help Americans attain new levels of prosperity--or, as a 1928 Republican slogan claimed, put "a chicken in every pot and two cars in every garage." Hoover won the general election, claiming more than 58 percent of the vote.

Within eight months of his inauguration, the stock market crashed, signifying the beginning of the Great Depression, the most severe economic crisis the United States had ever known. A proponent of public-private cooperation or "volunteerism" to maintain a high-growth economy, Hoover feared governmental coercion or intervention would destroy precious American ideals like individualism and self-reliance. Hoover did not reject all government regulation; he supported regulating industries such as radio broadcasting and aviation that he believed served the public good. But he preferred a voluntary, non-governmental approach to economic matters, the better, he reasoned, to protect what he called the "American character."

However, the Depression's high unemployment, low economic growth and financial instability sapped the American people's confidence and will and proved too difficult to manage with volunteer efforts, public works projects such as the Hoover Dam, tariffs such as the Smoot-Hawley Tariff, an increase in the top tax bracket from 25% to 63%, and increases in corporate taxes.

In the public eye, Hoover seemed uncaring, unwilling to admit that people were starving and that his ideas were failing. He lost significant public support in the summer of 1932 when General Douglas MacArthur used brutal force, including cavalry, tanks, and bayonets, to remove World War I veterans (Bonus Marchers) who had massed peacefully in Washington, DC to petition Congress for early receipt of their veterans bonuses. In the riot that followed, US troops clubbed women and children, tear-gassed marchers, burned their shacks called Hoovervilles, and forcibly drove them across the Potomac River.

Hoover ran for reelection in 1932 but lost to Democrat Franklin D. Roosevelt and his "New Deal" promises of a "crusade to restore America to its own people." Hoover left the White House in disgrace, having incurred the public's wrath for failing to end the Great Depression.

Hoover died following massive internal bleeding at the age of 90 in New York City on October 20, 1964. (Sources: www.millercenter.org/president/hoover,  http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Herbert_Hoover, and www.whitehouse.gov/about/presidents/herberthoover)




Venue for an Artist

"Rugged Individualism Speech" (October 22, 1928)

By Herbert Hoover



I intend... to discuss some of those more fundamental principles upon which I believe the government of the United States should be conducted....

During one hundred and fifty years we have builded up a form of self government and a social system which is peculiarly our own. It differs essentially from all others in the world. It is the American system.... It is founded upon the conception that only through ordered liberty, freedom and equal opportunity to the individual will his initiative and enterprise spur on the march of progress. And in our insistence upon equality of opportunity has our system advanced beyond all the world.

During [World War I] we necessarily turned to the government to solve every difficult economic problem. The government having absorbed every energy of our people for war, there was no other solution. For the preservation of the state the Federal Government became a centralized despotism which undertook unprecedented responsibilities, assumed autocratic powers, and took over the business of citizens. To a large degree, we regimented our whole people temporally into a socialistic state. However justified in war time, if continued in peace-time it would destroy not only our American system but with it our progress and freedom as well.

When the war closed, the most vital of issues both in our own country and around the world was whether government should continue their wartime ownership and operation of many [instruments] of production and distribution. We were challenged with a... choice between the American system of rugged individualism and a European philosophy of diametrically opposed doctrines - doctrines of paternalism and state socialism. The acceptance of these ideas would have meant the destruction of self-government through centralization... [and] the undermining of the individual initiative and enterprise through which our people have grown to unparalleled greatness.

The Republican Party [in the years after the war] resolutely turned its face away from these ideas and war practices.... When the Republican Party came into full power it went at once resolutely back to our fundamental conception of the state and the rights and responsibility of the individual. Thereby it restored confidence and hope in the American people, it freed and stimulated enterprise; it restored the government to a position as an umpire instead of a player in the economic game. For these reasons the American people have gone forward in progress....

There is [in this election]... submitted to the American people a question of fundamental principle. That is: shall we depart from the principles of our American political and economic system, upon which we have advanced beyond all the rest of the world....

I would like to state to you the effect that... [an interference] of government in business would have upon our system of self-government and our economic system. That effect would reach to the daily life of every man and woman. It would impair the very basis of liberty and freedom.

Let us first see the effect on self-government. When the Federal Government undertakes to go into commercial business it must at once set up the organization and administration of that business, and it immediately finds itself in a labyrinth.... Commercial business requires a concentration of responsibility. Our government to succeed in business would need to become in effect a despotism. There at once begins the destruction of self-government....

It is a false liberalism that interprets itself into the government operation of commercial business. Every step of bureaucratizing of the business of our country poisons the very roots of liberalism - that is political equality, free speech, free assembly, free press and equality of opportunity. It is not the road to more liberty, but to less liberty. Liberalism should not be striving to spread bureaucracy but striving to set bounds to it....

Liberalism is a force truly of the spirit, a force proceeding from the deep realization that economic freedom cannot be sacrificed if political freedom is to be preserved. [An expansion of the government's role in the business world] would cramp and cripple the mental and spiritual energies of our people. It would extinguish equality and opportunity. It would dry up the spirit of liberty and progress... For a hundred and fifty years liberalism has found its true spirit in the American system, not in the European systems.

I do not wish to be misunderstood. I am defining general policy. I have already stated that where the government is engaged in public works for purposes of flood control, of navigation, of irrigation, of scientific research or national defense... it will at times necessarily produce power or commodities as a by-product.

Nor do I wish to be misinterpreted as believing that the United States is a free-for-all and devil-take-the-hindmost. The very essence of equality of opportunity and of American individualism is that there shall be no domination by any group or [monopoly] in this republic.... It is no system of laissez faire....

I have witnessed not only at home but abroad the many failures of government in business. I have seen its tyrannies, its injustices, its destructions of self-government, its undermining of the very instincts which carry our people forward to progress. I have witnessed the lack of advance, the lowered standards of living, the depressed spirits of people working under such a system.

And what has been the result of the American system? Our country has become the land of opportunity to those born without inheritance, not merely because of the wealth of its resources and industry but because of this freedom of initiative and enterprise. Russia has natural resources equal to ours.... But she has not had the blessings of one hundred and fifty years of our form of government and our social system.

By adherence to the principles of decentralized self-government, ordered liberty, equal opportunity, and freedom to the individual, our American experiment in human welfare has yielded a degree of well-being unparalleled in the world. It has come nearer to the abolition of poverty, to the abolition of fear of want, than humanity has ever reached before. Progress of the past seven years is proof of it....

The greatness of America has grown out of a political and social system and a method of [a lack of governmental] control of economic forces distinctly its own - our American system - which has carried this great experiment in human welfare farther than ever before in history.... And I again repeat that the departure from our American system... will jeopardize the very liberty and freedom of our people, and will destroy equality of opportunity not only to ourselves, but to our children....

About Me: Hoover closed his campaign for the presidency in 1928 with this speech. It expresses the philosophy not only of Hoover, but of the Republican Party during the 1920s. (Source: http://www.pinzler.com/ushistory/ruggedsupp.html)



DISHing It Up Hot!

On Free Enterprise

By Dot



I adore the romanticism of the free enterprise system coupled with the idea of rugged individualism. It fits quite nicely with Darwin's theory of survival of the fittest. After all, it is a dog eat dog world characterized by caveman brutality and fierce competition to possess and wield great wealth and power. Ideally, under a free enterprise system, every man is free to employ his labor and utilize his resources to maximize his satisfaction, i.e., profits, with marginal restraints imposed by a limited government. That just means there must be some government to prevent cavemen from killing one another to stifle competitors.

Like other theoretical economic arrangements, there are laws and flaws accompanying free enterprise. To insure the laws of supply and demand function properly to establish market clearing prices, there must be numerous producers/sellers and buyers. Once the number of either is significantly reduced, the laws cease to apply. For instance, free enterprise does not exist when markets are controlled by monopolies, i.e., single producers, and oligarches, i.e., a few producers.

A flaw that I have commented on as a student of economics is the fact that free enterprise in theory hinges on the idea that we start with a level playing field and equal opportunity. In the United States of America where free enterprise, i.e., market capitalism, has enjoyed its greatest support as an economic arrangement and been credited with creating the wealth of the nation, there did not exist equal opportunity for every individual or group to work, save and invest in order to maximize their profits, i.e., satisfaction. Indeed, slaves were forced to work for free; they were not allowed to own property, because they were essentially property. Slaves were neither allowed to tap into that rugged individualism to exploit their god-given talents nor were they allowed to utilize their creative abilities to perhaps amass fortunes. Any income earned and wealth created as a result of slave labor accrued to their owners, leaving slaves with nothing with which to compete in a dog eat dog society.

Since slavery made the ability to effectively compete in a free enterprise system impossible for those trapped in bondage, it rendered the notion moot for the nation that made it legal to own humans. It made possible the accumulation of vast sums of income and wealth by certain groups to the detriment of others, thereby skewing the playing field in favor of slave masters and their enablers.

White Americans and ignorant blacks wallow in denial, pretending slavery and the ensuing centuries of deprivation, discrimination and disparate treatment suffered by black people, which supposedly ended at the end of the twentieth century with passage of the Civil Rights Acts, had no lingering or significant impact on the socioeconomic and political condition of contemporary black life. Americans ignore the disadvantage imposed on black people by the sin of slavery and the unfair advantage gained by those who accumulated the wealth made possible by "free" black labor. With slavery having so drastically skewed the economic playing field in favor of whites, no amount of pretending that because the system now supposedly affords every individual an equal opportunity to rise and/or fall based solely on his/her merit, work ethics and resources can make the USA a free enterprise system. Only a few own the wealth of the nation and wield the power it affords.

Today, far from being a free enterprise system, the US can be more accurately described as a fascist state. The government is run be corporations and the filthy rich that buy and sell members of Congress and the president.




News You Use

Ron Paul Is Lone GOP Voice on Unequal Justice

By DeWayne Wickham



Ron Paul must have known the question was coming. For weeks, he had been dogged by charges that newsletters published in his name in the 1980s and 1990s contained racist content.

So he probably wasn't surprised when ABC News' George Stephanopoulos asked him during a televised debate days before the New Hampshire primary how that could have happened without his knowledge. But no one on the stage with the Texas congressman -- not the other contenders for the Republican Party's presidential nomination who bristle with contempt for their libertarian colleague or the panel of journalists wielding the questions -- was ready for Paul's answer.

Dwelling on something he didn't write but has assumed responsibility for and apologized, Paul said, diverts attention away from the "true racism" in this nation's judicial system that disproportionately imprisons blacks for their involvement in drug crimes.

And when Paul finished what the Associated Press later called "a positively leftist rant," there were no follow-up questions, no clamoring from the other candidates to have their say on the issue. There was just a moment of uneasy silence -- and then a commercial break. When the debate resumed, there was no return to Paul's charge of unequal justice, an indifference that is a haunting metaphor for the nation's failure to address an issue that is even worse than Paul suggests.

In 2010, 69% of all people arrested in this country for committing crimes were white. Blacks were just 28%, according to the FBI. These percentages have remained steady every year of the past decade. During this same period, roughly twice as many whites as blacks were arrested each year for drug crimes, according to the FBI annual Crime in the United States report.

Despite this, nearly half of all persons incarcerated throughout the first decade of this century were black. More than a liberal rant, that's the ugly reality of a criminal justice system that, as Paul correctly noted, prosecutes and imprisons blacks in disproportionate numbers.

That none of the other Republicans -- who are champing at the bit for the right to challenge President Obama's re-election -- would align themselves with Paul on this issue doesn't surprise me. The GOP's strategy for winning back the White House is devoid of any serious appeal to black voters and lacks any real concern about the lingering vestiges of racism inflicted upon blacks, who are overwhelmingly Democrats.

Forget all their pious talk about being Americans first. Paul's unanswered "rant" exposed them all --Newt Gingrich, Mitt Romney, Rick Santorum, Jon Huntsman and Rick Perry-- as crass partisans who won't risk upending the conventional wisdom about crime and punishment in this country when their political butts are on the line. They don't want to derail their campaigns by giving any credence to an issue that many right-wing voters they are courting would likely discount.

"If we truly want to be concerned about racism, you ought to look at a few of those issues and look at the drug laws, which are being so unfairly enforced," Paul said as the network cut to commercials, and all the presidential wannabes on stage with him undoubtedly heaved a big sigh of relief.

Note: This article appeared in the USA Today and can be accessed at www.usatoday.com/news/opinion/forum/story/2012-01-10/ron-paul-racism-crimes/52483788/1. If you missed the ABC New Hampshire 2012 debate and would just like to see Ron Paul's "positively leftist rant" on racism in the USA today, watch www.youtube.com/watch?v=OO8e0bL1JLg. About 10 minutes into these highlights, Stephanopoulos poses his question. There is neither a follow-up by Stephanopoulos, nor a rebuttal or return to the issue of racism in US by the other GOP contenders.





Politics Y2K12

Fleecing the Angry Whites (Excerpts)

By Robert Parry



Since the days of Richard Nixon's "Southern strategy," the Republican Party has wooed angry whites with coded messages designed to play to racial prejudices - and that pattern has come back strong in Campaign 2012 as the GOP seeks to rid the White House of a black Democrat.

Usually, the dog whistle comes in appeals to "states' rights" and allusions to "welfare queens," but sometimes the implicit becomes explicit, as occurred when former Sen. Rick Santorum blurted out, "I don't want to make black people's lives better by giving them somebody else's money. I want to give them the opportunity to go out and earn the money."

This comment was directed to white Republicans in Iowa, some of whom nodded knowingly, receiving the message that President Barack Obama wanted to take their hard-earned money and give it to shiftless blacks. It's a message as old as time in America and it apparently helped boost Santorum into a virtual tie with GOP front-runner Mitt Romney.

However, Santorum quickly came to regret his caught-on-video frankness, realizing that many Americans find such blatant appeals to racial prejudice offensive. So, he proceeded to lie about what he actually said, claiming absurdly that he never said "black people" - that he "started to say a word" and then "sort of mumbled it and changed my thought."

The word, in Santorum's revisionist tale, had come out something like "blah," not "black." Yet why the government would be so determined to give "other people's money" to "blah people" was not explained. Perhaps so the "blah people" could buy snazzier wardrobes or snappier cars to make them less "blah."

Thus, Santorum hoped he could have it both ways. The white racist voters in Iowa and in other states could hear that the ex-Pennsylvania senator wasn't going to use government programs "to make black people's lives better," while non-racists were supposed to believe that he simply stammered out a word that sounded like "black," but was really "blah."

Not to be outdone, former House Speaker Newt Gingrich went beyond his usual disparaging of "food stamps" by adding a reference to the NAACP, in case some slow-witted whites didn't get the racially tinged "food stamps" message. After all, many struggling whites also rely on food-assistance programs, indeed a much higher number than blacks.

These crude appeals to racial bigotry - often framed as a well-meaning desire to help blacks by ending their "dependency" on government help - fits, too, into the broader right-wing narrative, that the federal government and its do-gooder programs are what's holding America back.

If only Washington got out of the way - along with its regulations, its taxes on the rich and its social safety net - then the entrepreneurial spirit of America would be revived and prosperity would spread from sea to shining sea, the right-wing message goes.

This message resonates with many Americans, especially whites, because it panders to their rose-colored personal mythologies that they and their parents climbed the economic ladder solely due to their hard work and grit. It's always an easy sell for politicians to flatter people by saying "you made it on your own."

Yet, for the vast majority of Americans, the reality is quite different. Especially after the Great Depression of the 1930s, the federal government took the lead in creating the social and economic framework that undergirded the nation's later success.

Even right-wing icon Dick Cheney has acknowledged that the New Deal lifted his family from economic hardship into the middle-class - and contributed to his own renowned personal confidence, which he ironically has put to use dismantling the New Deal.

The Founders' "originalist" vision of a strong central government was vindicated in the 1930s when President Franklin Roosevelt led a national effort to recover from the Great Depression, which had been caused largely by lightly regulated "free-market economics."

Indeed, it is fair to say that the great American middle-class was largely the creation of the federal government - from the New Deal, which guaranteed labor rights and created Social Security, to the GI Bill which sent World War II veterans to college, to more recent developments such as the creation of the Internet and GPS devices.

It was not until Ronald Reagan's presidency in the 1980s that the political dynamic shifted. As Reagan declared that "government is the problem," the role of Washington in the lives of Americans was demonized. Many middle-class Americans forgot how much they and their families had benefitted from actions of the federal government.

The myth of self-reliance proved seductive. The government was recast as an instrument for helping the lazy at the expense of the productive. Through subtle and not-so-subtle messaging, white Americans were told that the government was hurting them to help undeserving blacks and other minorities.

Government regulations were redefined as meaningless red tape that penalized important innovations, such as the exotic "financial instruments" that Wall Street was devising to "revolutionize" the banking industry. The thinking was that the government just had to get out of the way and let industry "self-regulate."

It followed, too, that Reagan's economic theories, such as "supply-side economics," would evolve into gospel on the Right. Since the beloved Reagan more than halved the top marginal tax rates on the rich - so they could invest in "supply-side" production and thus create more jobs - many conservatives embraced this notion with religious zeal.

Today, Gingrich boasts about his role in helping to formulate and enact "supply-side economics" - despite the fact that it has proved a crushing failure, as the American super-rich do little to create American jobs with their extra wealth. Indeed, U.S. corporations are sitting on trillions of dollars in capital because of a lack of consumer demand.

That lack of consumer demand has resulted from the decline in the American middle-class over the past few decades as Reaganomics has increasingly transformed U.S. society into one of extreme wealth and widespread want. In other words, the shrinking middle-class is proof that "supply-side" economics doesn't work, even as Republicans keep promoting it.

But the now-undeniable damage to the American middle-class - inflicted largely by right-wing ideology - creates a political problem for Republicans. Many voters may be hesitant to double-down on a bad bet.

So, it is perhaps not surprising that some of the current crop of GOP presidential candidates have turned again to more and more blatant appeals to racial prejudice. After all, racism is the primeval "wedge issue."

In this sour economic climate, more racist messaging - like Santorum's opposition to giving money to "blah people" and Gingrich's endless allusions to "food stamps" - can be expected as the Republican primary season rolls on. (Source: http://smirkingchimp.com/thread/robert-parry/40644/fleecing-the-angry-whites)



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Email www.alternet.org...Pat Buchanan Suspended From MSNBC for Views on Race and America Latest on decline of white America ousts Nixon's speechwriter....By Steven Rosenfeld...Anyone who has seen Pat Buchanan in person knows that as strong a speaker as he is, he attacks a certain 'white power' constituency. Apparently, those beliefs as expressed in his latest book and book tour have prompted MSNBC to suspend him from the air and say they do not know when or if he's coming back. Color of Change has called for his firing from MSNBC and deserves credit for spot-lighting his latest fulminations on the decline of white America. While on the Al Sharpton show, he apparently called Obama "your boy," which Sharpton took great offense to as it has specific Old South connotations. Buchanan has a way of not going away. He was one of the first to cycle between runs for the presidency and commentary slots in non-election years. But perhaps the political mainstream--never quite the avatar of change one hopes for--finally finds his views too far out of step in an increasingly multi-cultural America.