The DISH

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Vol. 14 No. 7…Dedicated to the Dialogue on Race…February 14, 2011

 

 

Executive Orders

By John Burl Smith



On February 8, 2011, Independent Lens presented the award-winning documentary film, When I Rise on PBS. This powerful story is about Barbara Smith Conrad, a gifted black mezzo-soprano international opera superstar, who attended the University of Texas in 1957. Conrad's selection to perform opposite a white male student in the opera Dido and Aeneas exploded into a national civil rights incident when the administration forced her to leave the opera. A scene showed prominent entertainers such as Harry Belafonte, James Baldwin, Sidney Poitier, Marlon Brando and others discussing the fact that skin color and racial discrimination had denied Conrad the opportunity to develop her God-given talent. The discussion centered on the use of "executive power" by United States Presidents, i.e., Pres. Dwight D. Eisenhower's intervention with troops in Little Rock, Arkansas to address such an injustice.

 

Presidential jawboning from the "bully pulpit" is one such use of executive power that shows leadership by drawing attention to an issue. A more direct application is an executive order, which gives the full force of law to a situation pursuant to Acts of Congress. A powerful tool, executive orders guide officers and agencies of the Executive branch in a particular direction. Presidential authority to issue such orders is based on power inherently granted to the Executive by the Constitution. Although no Constitutional provision or statute explicitly permits Executive Orders, Article II, Section 2, Clause 1 grants "executive power" and the declaration "take Care that the Laws be faithfully executed" in Article II, Section 3, Clause 4, has been construed as the legal basis of Executive Orders.


The Emancipation Proclamation issued by President Abraham Lincoln on January 1, 1863 is one of the most famous executive orders ever issued. It immediately freed 50,000 of the nation's four million slaves. President Woodrow T. Wilson used executive orders to establish segregation throughout the federal government and enforce segregation across the US. President Franklin D. Roosevelt issued Executive Order 8802 that prohibited discrimination in the Defense Industry. It established full participation by all persons, regardless of race, creed, color, or national origin in defense programs.


President Dwight D. Eisenhower issued Executive Order 10479 on August 13, 1953 to establish the anti-discrimination Committee on Government Contracts, which created a mechanism to enforce FDR's order. President John F. Kennedy's Executive Order 10925 required government contractors to "take affirmative action to ensure that applicants are employed, and that employees are treated equitably during employment, without regard to their race, creed, color, or national origin." It established the President's Committee on Equal Employment Opportunity on March 6, 1961, which later became the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) in the Civil Rights Act of 1964.

 

Executive Order 11246 was issued by President Lyndon B. Johnson on September 24, 1965. It required Equal Employment Opportunity by "prohibiting federal contractors and federally assisted construction contractors and subcontractors, who do over $10,000 in Government business in one year, from discriminating in employment decisions on the basis of race, color, religion, sex, or national origin." It also required such contractors to implement affirmative action plans to increase the participation of minorities and women in the workplace if a workforce analysis demonstrates their under-representation.

 

President Richard M. Nixon issued Executive Order 11478 (8/8/69) prohibiting discrimination in the competitive service of the federal civilian workforce, including the United States Postal Service and civilian employees of the U.S. Armed Forces. It stated that, "It is the policy of the Government of the United States to provide equal opportunity in Federal employment for all persons, to prohibit discrimination in employment because of race, color, religion, sex, national origin, handicap, age, sexual orientation, or status as a parent and to promote the full realization of equal employment opportunity through a continuing affirmative program in each executive department and agency."

 

Although Dido was a black Carthaginian Queen, Barbara Conrad was replaced by a white female. Such absurd acts of discrimination remain systemic barriers to thousands of blacks who are judged not on ability and character but solely on color. Today, no one remembers the white girl that replaced Ms Conrad. That denial did not block Ms. Conrad's audacious hope of developing her great talent and fulfilling her dream, but it did deny the University of Texas and its students the opportunity of being a part of a positive statement about the values "freedom, justice, fairness, perseverance and indomitable courage"-- which America claims to cherish.

 

Ms. Conrad, during her dark hours, was aided by Harry Belafonte, who helped open a door and encouraged her to step through. For thousands of blacks, this is all that is needed to help break free of the vestiges of ongoing discrimination in the U.S.  Following the example of President Abraham Lincoln's executive order (Emancipation Proclamation), rather than that of Woodrow Wilson, every president during modern times used executive orders to break down walls of discrimination; that is, until Ronald Reagan. Reagan was the first president since Wilson to use executive orders to roll back or block efforts to end discrimination against blacks.

 

During Kennedy's Presidential Inaugural address in 1961, he promised to end racial discrimination. Today, America has a black president who refuses to follow the example of Democrat and Republican Presidents that acknowledged discrimination; instead, Ronald Reagan, who denied the "legitimate demands" of blacks regarding ongoing discrimination in America, serves as Mr. Obama's guide. Unless discrimination involves white women or gays it is ignored. Mr. Obama eloquently addressed the need for human rights in Egypt as "legitimate demands" of the people. However, when the US came before the UN Human Rights Council for its Universal Periodic Review, the Obama Administration made no mention of racism as a human rights issue for blacks in America. Clearly, it is as Ms Conrad showed during her life, the -- fight is about more than what comes out of one's mouth; it is about inner truth, emotion and empathy.


The Obama administration is like the Texas legislature which refused to recognize the injustice of denying a deserving black woman the opportunity to exploit her talent; instead it played the race card because blacks were barred from voting. The Obama White House believes it does not have to do anything to address black issues because blacks "can't or will not vote" for Republicans. As one who voted for Obama in 2008, rather than vote for a "Reagan" Democrat, blacks can do as they did during the 2010 mid-term election - stay home!



Politics Y2K11

Belafonte on Obama



The following are excerpts from an interview conducted by Amy Goodman of Democracy Now with legendary singer, actor, humanitarian and activist Harry Belafonte in Park City, Utah at the Sundance Film Festival. A film about his life called Sing Your Song, which was co-produced by his daughter, Gina Belafonte, premiered and opened at the film festival.

 

AMY GOODMAN: I'm looking at a headline, as we sit in Park City, Utah, today, from the front page of the New York Times, and it's before President Obama gives his State of the Union address. And the headline is "Obama to Press Centrist Agenda in His Address." What is your assessment of President Obama?

 

HARRY BELAFONTE: If I take a shift from how confused and how complicated the politics of this country is, I'd have to first of all say that the fact that the collective power of the voters of this nation, among all of its citizens, should have chosen to elect him as the president of the United States says something about America's deeper resonance. Where really lies Americans', America's passion? What does its citizens really hope for? Having said that, I must then say that I am somewhat dismayed that there has not been a greater revelation of the use of his power to make choices, not only for legislation, but for public discourse and debate, in a greater way than he has availed us of.


And I'm reminded very quickly of a story, sitting with Eleanor Roosevelt, told us one night up there in Hyde Park after dinner. We loved--we reveled in her stories. And she told me the--told us the story of her husband and his first meeting with great, powerful labor leader named A. Philip Randolph, who was the head of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters, a job that was quite menial but very critical to the American railway system. And she loved A. Philip Randolph and his intellect and his evaluations as a union organizer, and in bringing him to the White House for dinner, invited A. Philip Randolph to tell the President his view of the state of the union from the Negro perspective and from the perspective of the black workers. And as a great mind and thinker, very much engaged, A. Philip Randolph held forth, and Roosevelt listened very carefully, and very stimulated by what Philip Randolph had to say. At the end of that moment, A. Philip Randolph was waiting for a response. And Roosevelt, Franklin Delano Roosevelt, said to him--of course, paraphrasing, he said, "Mr. Randolph, I've heard everything you have to say, the way in which you've criticized the fact that I have not used the power of my platform sufficiently in the service of the workers of this nation, and particularly the Negro people, that I didn't use my bully pulpit more vigorously. And I cannot deny that that may be the case. As a matter of fact, I believe that is the case. And in that context, I'd like to ask you to do me a favor. And that is, if that is so, I'd like to ask you to go out and make me do what you think it is I should do. Go out and make me do it."


And when you ask me about Barack Obama, it is exactly what happened to Kennedy. We, the American people, made the history of that time come to another place by our passion and our commitment to change. What is saddened--what is sad for this moment is that there is no force, no energy, of popular voice, popular rebellion, popular upheaval, no champion for radical thought at the table of the discourse. And as a consequence, Barack Obama has nothing to listen to, except his detractors and those who help pave the way to his own personal comfort with power--power contained, power misdirected, power not fully engaged. And it is our task to no longer have expectations of him, unless we have forced him to the table and he still resists us. And if he does that, then we know what else we have to do, is to make change completely. But I think he plays the game that he plays because he sees no threat from evidencing concerns for the poor. He sees no threat from evidencing a deeper concern for the needs of black people, as such. He feels no great threat from evidencing a greater policy towards the international community, for expressing thoughts that criticize the American position on things and turns that around. Until we do that, I think we'll be forever disappointed in what that administration will deliver.

 

AMY GOODMAN: And to those who say, "If you want President Obama re-elected, you will undermine him if you criticize him; and consider the alternative"?

 

HARRY BELAFONTE: I think we will not only undermine him, but undermine the hopes of this nation, if we don't criticize him. Absence of protest in the times of this kind of national crisis--Theodore Roosevelt once says, "When tyranny takes over the national agenda, it is that time that the voices of protest must be awakened. And if you don't raise your voice in protest, you are a patriotic traitor." And I believe that patriotism is betrayed by those voices that are not heard. Those who would detract you from that fact are those who have a vested interest in maintaining the status quo. Nothing will happen but good for Barack Obama and the United States of America, and indeed the world, if everybody stepped to the table and said, "This is the course we must be on."




Venue for an Artist

Come on and Bring On the Reparations

By Sekou Sundiata


Oh master of the perfect word Universe

Tricknological forked tongue

Riddle me this

If the Chinese can come from China

And the French can come from France

What made you think you could get Niggers out of Africa in the first place?

Just because you put puppies in the oven

That don't make them biscuits

Reparations on GP

Come on and bring on the Reparations

 

For all the unrequited home runs

Brothers be burning up the bases

The crowd be going mad

Brothers be crossing over home plate

Go outside and can't catch a cab

For Little Richie teaching the Beatles how to scream

Like Aunt Jemima without her pancakes

And all the other dark and unknown rockers

Electrified the republic...Sanctified...

Shaking that Cold War out of the booty body politics

Come on and bring on the reparations

 

For the beat in beatnik...White Negroes and such

Getting off up under that great music in them little ass five spots

For the jazz in the jazz age

Making your women wiggle and squirm

And you trying to twist and do the worm

You know abstract expressionism gism dripping

You might say

If I was you, I would go on the road and howl too

Jimmy Dean and Elvis, they can go wherever they went

Marilyn too, since she got caught in a trick

And got bent out of that cute little shape she had going

Come on and bring on the reparations

 

For the Birmingham gospel

Four little girls come Sunday

For the Jesus remix and those red neck

Street fire hose, mad dogs crucifix

And what exactly did you say you were doing at the time

About soft shoe on the rock of edges

For the privilege in your skin

A Wounded Knee and a Trail of Tears for the Indians

Come on and bring on the reparations

 

For the spook with the metal detector

Sitting by your door

Open just enough probably

To a spoon full of cocaine on the table

Monica on her knees doing secret service

You humming Mon monda rap song

What about all those flags we so proudly hail?

Marvin Gaye singing "Oh say can you see"

Wearing shades like mirrors at the all-star game

So you can reflect yourself...relaxed and feeling good

The dark looker doing his looking like he was blind

Bearing witness to the whiteness of whiteness

Pretending you was the only one who could see

Tis after all about thee...Just like you like it

Mercy, mercy me

And so on and so forth

For the missing royalty checks...And so on and so forth

For VD in Tuskegee called syphilis

And so on and so forth

Think of it ...think of it as the down payment

On the interest compounded

Them 40 acres not withstanding...

That mule not withstanding....

Multiplied, quantified, digitized

What to say about forgiveness between you and your god?

Come on and bring on the reparations.



About Me: Poet, performer, playwright and teacher, Sundiata's subjects included Jimi Hendrix, Mandela, and reparations for slavery. A Sundance Institute Screenwriting Fellow, a Columbia University Revson Fellow, a Master Artist-in-Residence at the Atlantic Center for the Arts, the first Writer-in-Residence at the New School University in New York, a professor at Eugene Lang College and featured poet on two occasions at the Geraldine R. Dodge Poetry Festival, Sundiata died of heart failure on July 18, 2007. This spoken word piece is best experienced via video. See www.youtube.com/watch?v=IWhnZPeW644.




Bit of History

Dr. Conrad Walter Worrill



Born August 15, 1941 in Pasadena, California to Anna Bell, the first black to sing in the Pasadena Philharmonic Orchestra, and Walter Worrill, a college-educated YMCA manager, Conrad Walter Worrill was greatly influenced by his father's activism. His father was active in the NAACP and YMCA and he was one of the leaders of the NAACP that led efforts to desegregate Brookside Park, where blacks were not allowed to swim, except when the pool was drained. At age nine, Worrill's family moved to Chicago when his father accepted a post there with the YMCA.


Worrill, an avid athlete gained his first racial consciousness through competitive swimming when his black YMCA team faced serious heckling. In high school, he played football, basketball, and ran track. He entered Pasadena City College, but he was expelled due to poor attendance. In 1962, his brief experiences with junior colleges in the Chicago area were interrupted by the military draft. Worrill was stationed on the Japanese island of Okinawa. After his stint in the military, Worrill returned to Chicago in 1963; he attended George Williams College, where he majored in Applied Behavioral Sciences; he earned a master's degree at the University of Chicago and his Ph.D., from the University of Wisconsin at Madison.

 

After receiving his Ph.D, Worrill taught for two years at George Williams College. In 1975, he was hired by Northeastern Illinois University (1976). He became a central figure at the Center for Inner City Studies, a department of the College of Education.


Through his work as an educator, newspaper columnist, community organizer, and radio talk show host, Dr. Worrill has become a preeminent figure in black activism From his beginnings in the Civil Rights movement of the 1960s through his mobilizing role in the Million Man March, he has consistently probed issues of power in African American life and emphasized the need for greater independence.


For the past thirty-five years, Dr. Worrill has held a variety of positions both inside and outside academia. Throughout this period, his overriding concern has been the development of viable strategies and tactics to advance African independence and self-determination at "home and abroad." In this regard, Dr. Worrill has combined his skills as a scholar, activist, speaker and writer to participate in numerous local, national, and international issues affecting African people.


Dr. Worrill has served as the National Chairman of the National Black United Front (NBUF). Under his leadership, NBUF worked tirelessly to change the American public school curriculum to more accurately reflect the contributions of African and African people in America in all subject areas. As Chairman of NBUF, he led the campaign charging the US Government with genocide and numerous human rights violations. Even as his militancy and tireless criticism of racism have provoked the ire of conservatives, he remains an unwavering exponent of black socioeconomic and political enfranchisement.

 

Dr. Worrill's vast experience in education makes him a sought after consultant and lecturer. He is considered a major expert on Black Movement History in the United States and lectures on a variety of topics related to the struggles of Black people in America.

 

Dr. Worrill is married to Talibah and is the father of two. (Sources: www.thehistorymakers.com/ , www.answers.com and http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Conrad_Worrill)





Hood Notes

The UN and People of African Descent

By Dr. Conrad W. Worrill



We must regain the momentum which the Reparations Movement had in the first few years of this century. The United Nations World Conference Against Racism in Durban, South Africa recognized the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade and Slavery as a Crime Against Humanity for which Reparations are due!

 

The U. N. has declared 2011 the "Year for People of African Descent." There are different activities being planned. As Malcolm X taught us, we must use the international arena to highlight our National Human Rights' Demand for Reparations! Let us review the work of the December 12th Movement and NBUF leading up to the World Conference Against Racism.

 

In 1999, the National Black United Front (NBUF) joined forces with the December 12th Movement in organizing a delegation of Africans in America to attend the United Nations World Conference Against Racism. The conference was held in Durban, South Africa from August 31st to September 7, 2001. We should never forget the impact and significance of this organizing project.

 

The December 12th Movement International Secretariat, the International Association Against Torture, North South XXI has official Non-Governmental Organization (NGO) status with the United Nations. Over the last twenty years, this group has committed much of its organizing efforts to participating in the United Nations Human Rights Commission by presenting numerous issues that impact African people in America. They have been NBUF's eyes and ears at the U.N.

 

As Atty. Roger Wareham of the December 12th Movement recently revealed in an article circulated on the internet, "Since 1997 , when the U.N. agreed to hold this World Conference, the United States, Canada, and Western Europe (the WEO Group of countries) have done all they can to prevent it from succeeding."


In the spring of 1998, at the African Group meeting during the Commission on Human Rights in Geneva, a Resolution was drafted identifying the Trans Atlantic Slave Trade as a Crime Against Humanity. The United States used all of its influence and blocked the resolution. However, this did not stop the momentum throughout the African World to pursue this resolution's becoming an official position of the United Nations World Conference Against Racism.

 

At the African Regional Preparatory Conference for the World Conference Against Racism held in Dakar, Senegal (January 22-24, 2001), the African Ministers developed what has been called the "Dakar Declaration." In their deliberations, they affirmed, in part, the following:

 

· Affirm that the slave trade is a unique tragedy in the history of humanity, particularly against Africans, a crime against humanity which is unparalleled , not only in its abhorrent barbaric feature, but also, in terms of its enormous magnitude, its institutionalized nature, its transnational dimension and especially its negation of the human nature of the victims.

 

· Further affirm that the consequences of this tragedy accentuated by those of colonialism and apartheid, have resulted in substantial and lasting economic, political, and cultural damage caused to the descendants of the victims, the perpetuation of the prejudice against Africans on the continent and people of African descent in the Diaspora.

 

· Strongly reaffirm that States which pursued racist policies or acts of racial discrimination, such as slavery, colonialism, and apartheid, should assume their full responsibilities and provide adequate reparations to those States, communities and individuals who were victims of such racist policies or acts, regardless of when or by whom they were committed.

 

International law supports the position that the enslavement of Africans was a crime against humanity. The Charter of the Nuremberg Tribunal defined crimes against humanity in this manner: "Murder , extermination, enslavement, deportation, and other inhumane acts committed against any civilian population… whether or not in violation of the domestic law of the country where perpetuated."

 

The African Reparations Movement explains that, "Historians and their experts can show, without difficulty , how the invasion of African territories, the mass capture of Africans, the horrors of the middle passage, the chattelization of Africans in America, and the extermination of the language and culture of the transported Africans, constituted violations of all these international laws." Thus, the Trans Atlantic Slave Trade was a Crime Against Humanity and, it is clear, African people are owed reparations throughout the world.


Again, as Atty. Wareham explains, "Before the U.N. World Conferences are actually held, they are preceded by PrepCom (Preparatory Committee meetings) in the various geographical regions of the world where the actual content of the final document, the program of action was worked out, and the PreComs were completed. All of the regional PreComs are over. In Geneva, Switzerland, a working group meeting held March 6 -9, 2001 to consider a Draft Declaration (the Durban Declaration) and tried to resolve a dispute about whether compensatory relief (i.e. reparations) should even be considered as a theme of the World Conference. This was only an issue because of US and Western European opposition." The dispute was not settled and another meeting will be held in May in Geneva.

 

The New York Times revealed, "A conference on racism this summer could be one of the most explosive meetings this organization (United Nations) has ever held, with moves afoot to cast globalization as a racial issue and to demand reparations for the slave trade and colonialism."


For more than twenty years, the December 12th Movement International Secretariat has fought in defense of the human rights of African people at the United Nations, in both Switzerland and New York. During this time, they have come to help us understand that while we, as African people, may not recognize the importance of the international agency to the progress of our struggle, but the United States and its allies are crystal clear about it.

 

NBUF agrees with the December 12th Movement that we must continue to organize at the international level in bringing the issues of African people before the world and especially the issue of Reparations. One way we can continue this work is to organize around the United Nations declared 2011 "Year for People of African Descent."




News You Use

2011 Year for People of African Descent



During its 65th plenary meeting on December 18, 2009, the United Nations General Assembly adopted the following resolution.

 

Reaffirming the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which proclaims that all human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights and that everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth therein, without distinction of any kind,

 

Recalling the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, the Convention on the Rights of the Child, the International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families, the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities and other relevant international human rights instruments,

 

Recalling also the relevant provisions of the outcomes of all major United Nations conferences and summits, in particular the Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action and the Durban Declaration and Programme of Action,

 

Recalling further its resolutions 62/122 of 17 December 2007, 63/5 of 20 October 2008 and 64/15 of 16 November 2009 on the permanent memorial to and remembrance of the victims of slavery and the transatlantic slave trade,

 

1. Proclaims the year beginning on 1 January 2011 the International Year for People of African Descent, with a view to strengthening national actions and regional and international cooperation for the benefit of people of African descent in relation to their full enjoyment of economic, cultural, social, civil and political rights, their participation and integration in all political, economic, social and cultural aspects of society, and the promotion of a greater knowledge of and respect for their diverse heritage and culture;

 

2. Encourages Member States, the specialized agencies of the United Nations system, within their respective mandates and existing resources, and civil society to make preparations for and identify possible initiatives that can contribute to the success of the Year;


3. Requests the Secretary-General to submit to the General Assembly at its sixty-fifth session a report containing a draft programme of activities for the Year, taking into account the views and recommendations of Member States, the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, the Working Group of Experts on People of African Descent of the Human Rights Council and other relevant United Nations agencies, funds and programmes, as appropriate.