The DISH

Unbossed and unbought news and information you can use

Vol. 13 No. 41…Dedicated to the Dialogue on Race…October 11, 2010

 

 

Bit of History

Dilma Vana Rousseff



Dilma Rousseff was born on December 14, 1947 to Bulgarian immigrant Pedro Rousseff and Dilma Jane Silva, a schoolteacher in Belo Horizonte, Minas Gerais. Her father was born in Gabrovo, Bulgaria where he was a lawyer and entrepreneur. Active in the Bulgarian Communist Party in the 1920s, he fled political persecution, arriving in France in 1929 and from there to Brazil in the 1930s. Settling in São Paulo, he changed his name from Petar Rusev to Pedro Rousseff and met and married Dilma Jane Silva.

 

After moving to Belo Horizonte, the young middle class couple had three children and maintained a European lifestyle with servants. Dilma received a classical education -- piano and French lessons --attending Colègio Nossa Senhora de Sion, a boarding school for girls run by nuns where the students conversed with their teachers in French. Her father died in 1962 and Dilma left private school and attended the Central State High School, a co-ed public school.


The school was a hotbed of revolutionary fervor where students rallied against the military coup (1964) and the dictatorship that followed. According to Dilma, "I became aware of the political situation in my country. I realized that my world was not a place for debutantes."

 

Joining the Worker's Politics (POLOP 1967), a faction of the Brazilian Socialist Party founded in 1961, Dilma had to choose between election/constituent politics and the armed struggle. She chose the latter after reading Revolution inside the Revolution by Règis Debray, a Frenchman, who joined Fidel Castro's revolution. During that period, Dilma met Clàudio Galeno Linhares, who participated in the sailors uprising against the military coup; they married one year later (1968).

 

Dilma joined the militant Colina, National Liberation Command, and was editor of The Piquet, their newspaper. They advocated Marxist politics among labor unions, stressing guerrilla tactics --the need for weapons and confrontations with police. With only a dozen militants, little money and few weapons (1969), their Colina began robbing banks, stealing cars, transporting weapons and setting off bombs. Following a gun battle in which two policemen were killed and another wounded, Dilma and Galeno lived a "Bonnie and Clyde" lifestyle, which included plastic surgery for Galeno. The young couple was separated when Galeno was sent to Porto Alegre and Dilma had to remain in Rio transporting weapons and money. She met Carlos Franklin Paixà de Araújo, head of a dissent group of the Brazilian Communist Party (PCB); they became lovers.

 

According to the authorities, Dilma was "one of the brains" of the revolutionary schemes. Her police profile identified her as the "Joan of Arc of subversion," and "one of the headmasters" of the clandestine organization in São Paulo. Authorities believe Dilma masterminded the most spectacular and profitable theft -- 2.5 million U.S. dollars -- of the armed struggle in Rio de Janeiro on June 18, 1969.

 

Dilma was unexpectedly arrested during a raid on a bar in 1970, when a search revealed she was armed. Dilma was taken to the OBAN headquarters, held for 22 days and tortured -- beaten and given electric shocks. Twenty pounds thinner and battling thyroid problems when she left jail two years later, Dilma Rousseff recuperated in Minas Gerais while living with her family. She moved to Porto Alegre to be close to Araújo and became a teacher at the prison.

 

Rousseff gave birth to her only child, daughter Paula Rousseff Araújo, in March of 1976. Responding to the changing circumstances of her life, Dilma returned to school. She attended the Rio Grande do Sul Federal University majoring in economics and graduated in 1977. After graduation, she became an intern at the Foundation of Economics and Statistics (FEE).

 

She returned to politics in 1977 and was listed among 97 so-called "subversives" in public administration, which prompted her firing from the FEE. However, her life continued to change when the mandatory two-party system ended in 1980. Dilma and Araújo helped found the Democratic Labour Party (PDT) and helped elect Alceu Collares Mayor of Porto Alegre in 1985. He appointed Dilma Municipal Secretary of Treasury. When Alceu Collares was elected Governor, he appointed Dilma president of the FEE. She remained in that office until the end of 1993, when she was appointed Secretary of Energy and Communication.

 

Rousseff became a member of the group developing energy policy for Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva during his run for president in 2002. Overshadowed by the two front runners for the job of Minister of Energy, if Lula won the election, Dilma was patient and reserved when she first joined the team, but soon stood out with her objectivity and knowledge in the area. It came as a great surprise when Lula chose Dilma as Minister declaring: "Already near 2002, it appeared that a comrade with a little computer in her hand, when we started debating, I realized she had a differential characteristic from the others who were there, because she came in with the practicality of the assignment of running the Secretary of Energy of Rio Grande do Sul. Then I was like: I think I found my Minister here."

 

José Dirceu, Chief of the Presidential Staff resigned as a result of his involvement in the so-called "Mensalão" scandal and Lula selected Dilma his new Chief of Staff. She took office on June 21, 2005, becoming the first female to assume the position. After more than two years of speculation, Rousseff launched her official presidential campaign as a candidate for the Workers' Party on June 13, 2010. With the backing of President Lula and a strong campaign, she won the first round with 47% of the votes and is in a runoff Oct. 31. She will face former São Paulo state governor Jose Serra, who polled 33.9%. (Sources: www.bbc.co.uk, http://en.wikipedia.org, http://imarketnews.com and www.guardian.co.uk)




Politics Y2K10

Lula's Allies Sweep Senate Race, Governorships



The coalition that backs Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva is set to have a two-thirds majority in the Senate and won 12 governorships in the first round of voting, results showed Monday (10-4-10)

 

Sunday's general election was however not a complete success for the ruling- party camp. Its presidential candidate, Dilma Rousseff, won the first round of voting, but still must face off against social democrat Jose Serra in a runoff October 31.


Lula's Workers' Party (PT) and its allies are to have 55 Senate seats beginning in January - up from their current 39, while the opposition goes from 33 down to 22 seats and independents shrink from 10 to four, according to a vote count from Sunday's legislative election. Lula's allies swept the board Sunday: Of 54 Senate seats being chosen, they won 40.

 

The relevance of the balance of power in the Senate will depend on the outcome of the presidential runoff between Rousseff and Serra.

 

If Rousseff wins the presidency, she will have a very friendly Senate to work with, in line with the wishes of the outgoing Lula. However, if Serra were to win, he would have to govern in an unfavourable legislative setting.


Rousseff's leftist PT increased its own share from 11 to 15 senators. It is set to be the second-largest in the upper house of the Brazilian Congress, behind its main ally, the centrist Party of the Brazilian Democratic Movement (PMDB), with 20 seats.

 

The opposition led by the Party of Brazilian Social Democracy (PSDB), whose presidential candidate Serra managed to hold Rousseff to a runoff, and by the conservative party Democratas (DEM) that suffered a historic defeat in the Senate race.

 

The PSDB, which currently has 14 senators, will from January have only 10, while the DEM went from 18 seats to seven.

 

No details were immediately available as to the make-up of the lower house of the Brazilian Congress, for which pre- electoral opinion polls had also given Lula and his allies a comfortable lead.

 

The ruling coalition that backs Lula and Rousseff also carried 12 of the 18 state governorship races that were decided in Sunday's voting.  The PT got back the leadership of the state of Rio Grande do Sul and kept Bahia, Sergipe and Acre. Its allies of the Brazilian Socialist Party (PSB), in turn, comfortably won Ceara, Pernambuco, Piaui and Espirito Santo.


The centrist PMDB, the PT's main ally, kept Rio de Janeiro - Brazil's third most powerful state - and also won Maranhao, Mato Grosso and Mato Grosso do Sul.


However, the social democratic opposition will keep command of Brazil's two most powerful states in both political and economic terms, Sao Paulo and Minas Gerais. They also won Parana and Tocantins, while their allies of the DEM are to govern the states of Rio Grande do Norte and Santa Catarina.


The state of Amazonas elected a governor of the tiny Party of National Mobilization (PMN). Governors in the remaining eight states and in the federal district of Brasilia will be determined in runoff elections. (Source: www.earthtimes.org/articles/news/347161,race-governorships-summary.html)





Who Will Reach Out to Afro-Brazilians?

By John Burl Smith

 

Brazil is much like the United States in regards to race but its biggest difference is politicians seem to ignore Afro-Brazilians during their campaigns. Surveying news reports, speeches and press statements during the first cycle of the campaign to replace Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, who could not serve a third term because of a term limit law, neither of the top three vote getters campaigned for the votes of slave descendants for the October 3, 2010 election.

 

There seems to be a gentlemen's agreement, even though two candidates were women, not to encourage slave descendants to participate in the electoral process of any party. Surprisingly, Marina Silva, who came in third, is Afro-Brazilian but she focused on environmental issues to attract Green Party support and abortion to court protestant voters but made no overt statement regarding the socioeconomic and political needs and demands of slave descendants.

 

She, like the other two candidates, seemed to take refuge behind Brazil's recently passed 'Statute of Racial Equality' law. Brazilian President Luis Inacio Lula da Silva in signing the statute into law was the first to recognize that the landmark legislation did not go far enough. Sounding like an American president with that "We still have a long way to go" bit, after 400 years, Lula said, "We didn't get everything that we wanted" and "there is much yet to do."

 

With Lula holding the door open for further comments and proposals, no candidate walked through. Actually, they seemed to slam the door on his fingers, shutting off any indication there will be further progress during their administration. Had Silva made a strong case to Afro-Brazilians she could have moved past right winger José Serra into the runoff. Moreover, now that Serra can close on Rousseff in a two candidate race, a strong pitch to Afro-Brazilians by Dilma would put her out of reach before he can close the gap. But like most US politicians, either would rather lose than to be inclusive and break the race code against slave descendants.

 

Anthropologist and historian Lilia Schwarcz gave her impressions on contemporary Brazil in an interview for the New York Review of Books blog. As part of her conversation with Roger Darton, Schwarcz pointed out, "With 130 recognized gradations of color, the issue of race is far more complex in Brazil than in most other countries, including the US. However like the US, Brazil has been forced to grapple with the legacy of slavery and hundreds of years of racial inequality. Even though Brazil never codified racial discrimination with Jim Crow-style laws, the economic disparity between the races run deep in Brazil, as it does in the US. Today black Brazilians make just 58 cents for every $1 earned by a white Brazilian."

 

In June Brazil passed the Racial Equality Law to help tackle the gap between whites and blacks by rewarding businesses with a workforce that is more than 20% black. Under the law, all elementary and middle schools will have to teach black Brazilian and African history. Aspects of the bill designed to address systemic discrimination, most notably university quotas, were stripped from the bill by senators opposing affirmative actions to eliminate disparities.


Reception to the law has been mixed. While applauding the focus on education, Afro-Brazilian activists criticized the bill for not addressing the most pressing social issues facing blacks, such as land rights and police brutality. This resistance to change further underscores the need for human rights monitoring by the UN Human Rights Council of racism in Brazil which scholars such as Lilia Schwarcz and many others address in their writings.

 

Passage of these meager steps required a ten-year fight, which points up the lack of political will to push for equality reflected by all candidates for president. It is true that Brazil is a multi-racial and multi-ethnic state, yet Brazilians of African descent are victims of four hundred years of slavery as well as pervasive ongoing patterns of racial discrimination. Similar to US slave descendants, Afro-Brazilians see no justification for continuing systemic racial discrimination.

 

In a statement in support of the law, Senator Paulo Paim of President Lula's own Workers' Party said, "Last year, research institutes connected with the federal government indicated that blacks are the poorest, the least educated, are those who when employed receive the lowest wages and who are the overwhelming majority of workers pushed into informal employment and unemployment...the proportion of blacks below the poverty line is 50%, while among whites it is 25%..." The senator went on to point out that these differences show up in social indices such as life expectancy, life time earnings and other quality of life issues.

 

Lula, rather than the candidate from the Workers' Party, attacked the right wing opposition for having gone to court to block sections of the law that would have established affirmative action quotas in jobs, education and television programming. Opposition to the law was based on the same disclaimer of racism in Brazil, as in the US, to discount the need for affirmative action.

 

Only after numerous slave rebellions, slavery was finally abolished in Brazil in 1888, but economic, political, social and military elites that benefitted from the slave system continued to maintain power, as in the US, and used their power to enforce racist policies -- both legal and de-facto racial oppression. The total population of Brazil is about 192 million. Of these, the 2000 census identified about 6% as black, but another 38% as "pardos" (mixed race), who would certainly be classed as African Americans if they lived in the USA.


The legislation Lula signed also authorized the creation of a Federal University for Luso-Afro-Brazilian Integration in the Eastern state of Ceará. This university, which is to be ready in 2011, is intended to bring together Brazilian students and faculty and those from African countries, especially those which were former Portuguese colonies -- Angola, Mozambique, Cape Verde, and Sao Tome and Principe. Brazil is reaching out to African countries to form new trading partnerships and diplomatic alliances. For such efforts to be rewarded, Brazil will have to recognize the human rights of Afro-Brazilians and address systemic racism within its society.


Slave descendants face the same problem the world over, which is why during the United States Universal Periodic Review now before the UN Human Rights Council, US slave descendants have filed a petition (which can be read at www.thedish.org), opposing the US' review of its human rights record. That review does not mention racism as a systemic problem in the US. The US government, as the Brazilian government, has perpetuated racism and discrimination to serve its need and to give its white elites the economic advantage they enjoy. This is a human rights violation that the world must recognize and condemn. (Sources: www.peoplesworld.org, www.nybooks.com, http://postwesternworld.com, and http://news.xinhuanet.com)





Intuit's Vibe

What Religion?

By Raja Chemayel


Salomon´s Temple

Only this temple, shall please God?



What is that religion which needs a piece of Land?

And not any piece of land,

But someone´s else own land...



What kind of God is that

Who needs a specific-Temple

To be build in a specific-place, for him?

(Is the St. Peter Cathedral in the Vatican

not good enough for him, as example?)



What kind of religion is that

Which you get only if your mother has it?

(What happens when the mother is an atheist-jeJew?)



What kind of God is it

Who discriminates between the humans?

(Why should a Canaanite loose his home to a Chaldean?)



What kind of holy-scriptures

You would want to rely on

When there is no original-text available?



What kind of monotheists are they

When they do not share their God?

(When there is only one God ,

You should share it with others)



Why would any people be "chosen"

While the rest of the other peoples would be all "forgotten."



If any land were to be "promised"

Why not the Sunny-Hawaii

Or the beautiful-Switzerland?

(Why the Land-of Canaan and not Cyprus?)



If God wanted to free the Slaves from the Pharaoh´s

Why did God free only

A selective-part of those salves?

(And, why only jewish-slaves could leave Babylon?)



If God were a racist

Why did Jesus and Mohammad

Preach all of us universally?



What kind of religion teaches segregation and discrimination

and inequality among the people?

(Does racism become a religion?)







Venue for an Artist

The Bigot-Whisperers (Excerpts)

By Phil Rockstroh



I was born, at slightly past the midpoint of the Twentieth Century, in the Deep South city of Birmingham, Alabama -- "The Heart of Dixie." My earliest memories are of a time of societal upheaval and cultural trauma. At the time, as the world witnessed and history chronicles, Birmingham could be an ugly, mean place.

 

My father, employed at the time as a freelance photojournalist, would arrive home from work, his clothes redolent of tear gas, his adrenal system locked in overdrive, his mind reeling, trying to make sense of the brutality he witnessed, perpetrated by both city officials and ordinary citizens, transpiring on the streets of the city.

 

The print and media images transmitted from Birmingham shocked and baffled the nation as well. But there was a hidden calculus underpinning the architecture of institutionalized hatred of the Jim Crow South. The viciousness of Birmingham's white underclass served the purpose of the ruling order. The city was controlled, in de facto colonial manner, by coal and steel barons whose seat of power was located up the Appalachian mountain chain in Pittsburgh, PA. The locals dubbed them the Big Mules. They resided in the lofty air up on Red Mountain; most everyone else dwelled down in the industrial smog.

 

These social and economic inequities, perpetuated by exploitative labor practices, roiled Birmingham's white men with resentment. If they asked for higher wages, they were told: "I can hire any n*gg*r off the street for half of what I pay you." In the colonial model, all the big dollars flowed back to Pennsylvania, and economic rivalry and state-codified delusions of racial entitlement, vis-à-vis Jim Crow Laws, was used to ensure the working class white majority rage at the ruling elite remained displaced -- their animus fixed on those with even less power and economic security than themselves. This was the poisoned cultural milieu, wherein George Wallace's "segregation today . . . segregation tomorrow . . . segregation forever" demagogic dirt kicking caused the embedded rage of the white working class to pour forth like fire ants from a trampled bed.

 

In a similar manner, manufactured controversies such as the gay marriage and gays in the military dust-ups of the present time have little to do with gays or marriage or the military. These issues are served as red meat to arouse the passions -- and loosen the purse strings -- of the fear-driven, status quo-enabling, confused souls residing at the center of the black spleen of the Republican ideological base.

 

Although, as a rule, the right's lies and displacements are most effective when liberals offer working people only bromides, platitudes, and lectures on propriety and good taste. Obama and the Democrats, time and time again, present demagogues with an opening the size of the cracks in Glenn Beck's gray matter. Hence, the bigot-whisperers of the right are provided with a void that they can seed with false narratives; wherein, they are given free rein to cloud the air and clog the airwaves with palaver about fifth columnist threats from terrorist-toady mosque builders and gays in uniform undermining moral in the ranks by belting out show tunes in foxholes and impromptu shower stall instruction on the art of hand to hand sodomy.

 

Cultures are organic in nature. Combine the elements of the scorched earth policies of neoliberal capitalism, its austerity cuts and downsizing, plus the hybrid seeds of the consumer age -- and what alien foliage will rise from the degraded soil -- fields of right-wing AstroTurf. Add: industrial strength fertilizer. And see how our garden grows, with: Glenn Beck and Sarah Palin -- the mutant seed sprouted Chia Pets of corporate oligarchy.

 

Yet the idea of Beck and Palin leading a populist, pitchforks and torches style uprising in the US is sheer fantasy. Most Americans wouldn't rally en mass unless they could bring their couches with them. It would look like The Prague Spring but held in a Rooms to Go showroom.

 

The recent demonstrations, in Washington, DC, attended by the ranks of the chronically discontent right, are about as populist as a vintage Soviet-era May Day parade was a celebration of the proletarian masses.

 

By the informal design of our present oligarchs and the self-referential nature of the corporate owned media, US citizens have the right to say almost anything that is on their minds, as long as it has little to no effect on the status quo. If there was ever a mass movement that effectively challenged the nation's massive class inequity and threatened to rein in the excesses of the National Security State, it would be shut down faster than an open air, live sex show in the middle of Temple Square in Salt Lake City.

 

Moreover, the mid-life snit-fest engendered by the fading political power of the country's white, middle class majority, as was the case with the racial resentment of the white underclass of my native Birmingham, serves the agenda of the moneyed elite. And its goals (which its rank and file seem ill-equipped to define, i.e., vague resentments and inarticulate rage, hardly constitutes an agenda for societal transformation and governmental reform) are equally as self-defeating in their ramifications for debt-beleaguered, economic security-bereft working people as were the racist displacement of rage embraced and perpetuated by the exploited, working class, white majority of the Jim Crow south. Working and middle class Republicans agitating for lower taxes for the wealthy is as silly as gaunt peasants, clutching torches and wielding pitchforks, besieging Louis XVI's palace at Versailles, demanding their bread rations be cut so that the royal court could enjoy larger and more lavish feasts.

 

Part of the irrational fear arising from economically forsaken members of the white laboring class toward President Obama is informed by race. Another aspect of it is more inchoate, as evanescent as the nature of the man himself.

 

My childhood, in Birmingham, bestowed the knowledge: do not underestimate the danger of ignorant, angry people in large groups.


The paranoid, domestic douchescape works in the service of the US created deathscapes overseas and vice versa in a self-resonating feedback loop. Therefore, whenever the neoliberal economic policies of corporate oligarchy and the empire's ever expanding military industrial/national security/surveillance/prison complex are questioned, many conservatives personalize the critique. In their gut, they feel as if their identity is under attack. Consequently, the limbic system ascends to the throne of consciousness, as palace guards of casuistry defend the status quo. This could be termed Authoritarian Simpatico Syndrome (ASS) -- a pathology manifested in personalities who have been traumatized by authority, but who seek to assuage the hurt and humiliation by identification with their victimizer.

 

This phenomenon is what is at the root of the rage rising from the faux populist right: the ground level realities of life in the corporate state are vastly incommensurate with the capitalist hagiography they hold in their heads. Moreover, when one's mental imprinting and social conditioning is challenged, one can find oneself in a bewildering place. Though the state is emotional in nature, it feels akin to being physically lost . . . same disorientation, same sense of panic. Many people were never given and/or didn't develop a compass of logic by which to navigate the novel landscape that one is cast into when one's sacred beliefs are challenged. This is why change is a long time coming, and when it arrives it will not be greeted fondly.



About Me: A poet, lyricist and philosopher bard living in New York City, Rockstroh can be reached at: phil@philrockstroh.com. Visit him online at http://philrockstroh.com/ and www.facebook.com/profile.php?id=100000711907499. (Source: www.commondreams.org/print/61152)






DISHing It Up Hot!

On Corrections and Updates!

By Dot



Last week's issues (The DISH Vol. 13 No. 40) elicited a number of noteworthy responses from our readers. Most respondents wanted to rant and demand their email addresses be removed from this listing. Others wanted to say "thank you" for another great issue. One email in particular pointed out an error in the opinion piece by John Burl Smith (The Future According to James Wolfensohn).

 

"Dear Dot: Just in the interests of accuracy, the talk by James Wolfensohn was significantly mis-cited. It is represented as being given in 2004, and Wolfensohn is credited with prescience. But the actual site shows that the talk was delivered in January of this year. He is referenced as giving a talk at Stanford in 2004, but it is not included among the speeches on his website at the Bank, so it is not clear that he said the same things in 2004, or that the earlier talk was accessed. As any journalist knows, it is important to get the facts right. Just wanted to bring this to your attention."

 

In response to this thoughtful missive, we issued a statement to the reader acknowledging the error, which was the result of a lack of due diligence. Also, we are creating a corrections and updates column as a venue to publish errors and oversights and provide updates on ongoing issues.

 

We would be remiss in not addressing the tenor of the negative responses. Some of the adjectives used were downright insulting and do not bear repeating. Besides demanding that they be removed from our listing, these angry readers called me anti-Semitic, a charge I categorically deny.

 

There is nothing anti-Semitic in stating facts. Ironically, none of those issuing this ugly charge offered any evidence to back up the claim; they just made it and closed the door to any future dialogue.


By no means shy about my views when it comes to religion, I, as a rule, eschew the organized variety. Product of a Southern Baptist upbringing, granddaughter of a Missionary Baptist preacher, whose daughter, my mother, stopped attending Sunday service because "the church was full of sinners," her words not mine, I took my mother's advice and guidance on the topic of religion to heart. As a spiritual being, I do not require organized religion to praise my God. No preacher is better than me at transmitting a prayer and seeking forgiveness for a transgression. No church building is necessary, because my God is in me; I take Him wherever I go, as He is my witness.

 

I am neither for nor against any religion. I view organized religion like any other business. In the case of Jews, the rich and powerful ones control US mainstream media, dictate US Middle East policy and run Wall Street and just happen to intersect my world in all the wrong places while conducting their business. Consequently, I reserve the right and duty to object to their predatory practices. However, doing so does not make me anti-Semitic.





Update 2010

Bishop Eddie Long's Billboard

By Boyce Watkins, PhD

 

 

Bishop Eddie Long apparently has a great deal of support from members of the New Birth Missionary Baptist Church. A new billboard of Long has appeared in Atlanta, with the words "Love Like Him, Live Like Him, Lead Like Him." Some in the community have interpreted these to be the words of Jesus, but others are wondering if another message is being sent by the supporters of Bishop Eddie Long.

 

On one hand, we could easily argue that those who've built this ill-timed billboard are most certainly talking about Jesus with their words. The problem, however, is that they don't have a picture of Jesus next to the words. Instead, there is a picture of Bishop Eddie Long. If Long's supporters were trying to communicate the words of Jesus, they should probably have considered including a picture of the person to whom they were referring.

 

In business school, we teach a concept called "co-branding." Now, I'm no marketing expert, but simply put, co-branding is effectively the act of strengthening one's brand name by connecting it with another. For example, there is a reason that Nike pays LeBron James millions of dollars every year. By associating their brand with his name and face, they are elevating the value of their own product.


The same is true when connecting a disgraced public figure like Bishop Eddie Long with the name of Jesus. Jesus is probably the most valuable brand in the history of the world - as perfect, pristine and respected as you can get. So, by using Jesus' words and putting them next to the face of Bishop Eddie Long, his supporters expect that they are scoring a public relations touchdown.

 

What's most sad about this billboard is that there are many people who will be fooled by it. The deep commitment that many Americans have to God and Jesus can sometimes be utilized by those with malevolent objectives. I can't say for sure if Eddie Long is the person behind the billboard or whether he's guilty of the terrible actions for which he's being accused. What I can say, though, is that in the event that a person in the pulpit may be doing harm to our children, we cannot allow our commitment to a higher power to make us both blind and ignorant.




Mailbox: E-Mails, Faxes and Telephone Calls



Email www.nation.com ...Lou Dobbs, American Hypocrite....In Lou Dobbs's heyday at CNN, when he commanded more than 800,000 viewers and a reported $6 million a year for "his fearless reporting and commentary," in the words of former CNN president Jonathan Klein, the host became notorious for his angry rants against "illegal aliens." But Dobbs reserved a special venom for the employers who hire them, railing against "the employer who is so shamelessly exploiting the illegal alien and so shamelessly flouting US law" and even proposing, on one April 2006 show, that "illegal employers who hire illegal aliens" should face felony charges. ...His scheduled October 9 address at the Virginia Tea Party Convention will mark his second major Tea Party address of the year, reviving questions about whether the former CNN host is gearing up for an electoral campaign. He recently told Fox's Sean Hannity that he has not ruled out a possible Senate or even presidential run in 2012. But with his relentless diatribes against "illegals" and their employers, Dobbs is casting stones from a house--make that an estate--of glass. Based on a yearlong investigation, including interviews with five immigrants who worked without papers on his properties, The Nation and the Investigative Fund at The Nation Institute have found that Dobbs has relied for years on undocumented labor for the upkeep of his multimillion-dollar estates and the horses he keeps for his 22-year-old daughter, Hillary, a champion show jumper. ...

 

Email http://tpmdc.talkingpointsmemo.com ...Angle In Flap As Pastor Calls Reid's Mormon Religion A Murderous Cult...By Eric Kleefeld...Holy Jeremiah Wright, Batman! In the Nevada Senate race, Republican nominee Sharron Angle is now having to put some distance between herself and her own former pastor, John Reed of Sonrise Church in Reno, after Reed attacked Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid's Mormon religion. In an interview with the Reno News & Review, Pastor Reed attacked Harry Reid, making some rather inflammatory comments regarding the Latter-Day Saints Church being a "cult" -- and alleging conspiracies involving big business and secret murders: "The Christian community--all the Christians, theologians and scholars, all recognize that, that Mormonism is a cult. I have books in my library on cults, and it lists Mormonism right there with all these bizarre cults. Well, there must be a reason. I mean, here a member of a cult is one of the most powerful people in the United States. Doesn't that alarm you? And his allegiance is to Salt Lake City." You know, there's some weirdness with that, but nobody questions it, nobody asks one question to Harry Reid and says, 'Tell us about your faith. What does a Mormon believe?' Ask him about the holy garments that he wears that protect him from evil. Isn't that kooky? Ask him about getting his body parts anointed by oil. Isn't that kooky? Ask him about when he goes to the temple and he gets baptized for dead people. Isn't that kooky? Ask him about the hit squad of the Mormon church and why they need people to kill Mormons that go against them." Pastor Reed's public bashing of the LDS Church, coming less than a month before the election, is probably not helpful to Angle for many reasons. While Harry Reid is a Mormon and one of the top Democrats in the country, the fact remains that Mormons as a whole are overwhelmingly Republican. As the Las Vegas Sun reports, Angle's campaign is quickly distancing her from Reed, and claiming that she has not been a member of his church for over six years.