The DISH

Unbossed and unbought news and information you can use

Vol. 13 No. 37…Dedicated to the Dialogue on Race…September 13, 2010

 

 

 

 

Intuit's Vibe

Deception

By Jesse Tampa



Strewn along to believe the lies of the unjust

Put faith into the wrong accord, I have misplaced my trust

Through rusted pipes of lies there lay dead dreams below us

Never connecting webs together, they say I shouldn't fuss

I'm confused, angry, turned upon my very own foundation

If I could paint a canvas there would be negative illustration

I was on a path to a future with a strong hold

Now I stand on this new plain if I may be so bold

I question why I've been betrayed by the leaders

I am derailed from my path by the corporate bottom feeders

Enough, I demand answers till my breaking point is reached

Life, Liberty, and Happiness, the guarantees in life are breached

I feel as if a giant dam has broken and we cannot float

Instead of rising to the top, Titanic is our boat

There is no letting up by the officials in the ton

Pull yourself up by your boot straps they tell us again

I say enough is enough my friends, open up your portals!

Or we will be mislead again by these lying mortals

So as we are sinking deeper, you along with I

Will we sit back together and watch our country die?

Who will stand up for the people and fix the results of lies?

We cannot take this sitting down; they won't catch us by surprise!

We deserve better for our working every single day

And in the end it isn't us, but it's you that should pay.







Bit of History

John Henrik Clarke

(1915 - 1998)



Little black Alabama boys were not fully licensed to imagine themselves as conduits of social and political change. ...they called me 'bubba' and because I had the mind to do so, I decided to add the 'e' to the family name 'Clark' and change the spelling of 'Henry' to 'Henrik,' after the Scandinavian rebel playwright, Henrik Ibsen. I like his spunk and the social issues he addressed in 'A Doll's House.' ...My daddy wanted me to be a farmer; feel the smoothness of Alabama clay and become one of the first blacks in my town to own land. But, I was worried about my history being caked with that southern clay and I subscribed to a different kind of teaching and learning in my bones and in my spirit.......John Henrik Clarke

 

A self-educated intellectual, who helped establish an Afrocentric perspective, Dr. John Henrik Clarke documented the histories and contributions of Africans and those in the African diaspora. Born, the eldest of 9 children to sharecroppers John and Willie Ella Mays Clark on January 1, 1915 in Union Springs, Alabama, John Henrik was very precocious, teaching himself to read using billboards, signs and labels on cans.


Clarke's family moved to Columbus, Georgia after a storm destroyed their house. After learning to read early, there were great expectations for Clarke. He taught Sunday school and read the Bible to elderly women. Clarke's elementary school teacher, Mrs. Evelena Taylor had a profound impact on him, she said, "I will not let you use the color of your skin as an excuse for not aspiring to be true to yourself and your greatest potential." Clarke said of her, "She taught me that I must always prepare. She convinced me that one day I would be a writer." But, before he became a writer, he became a voracious reader.

 

Columbus, Georgia had Jim Crow library laws that did not allow black people to use the public library. An innovative child, Clarke, who was known to work for prominent whites, forged names of well-known whites on notes that instructed the librarian to give him books. Desiring to impress Mrs. Taylor, he asked a white lawyer for whom he worked and whose library he used for a book on the role that black people had played in ancient history. The white man told him, "You come from a people who have no history." This lit a torch in Clarke that burned like a beacon throughout his life.


The search for answers led Clarke to a copy of The New Negro and an essay called "The Negro Digs up His Past" by Arthur A. Schomburg, which convinced him that he came from a people with a history even older than that of Europe. Moving to Harlem in 1933 during the Great Black Migration from the South, Clarke sought out Dr. Schomburg. Once located, he asked Dr. Schomburg about his people's history and was told, "Sit down, son. What you are calling African history and Negro history is nothing but the missing pages of world history. You will have to know general history to understand these specific aspects of history. You have to study your oppressor. That's where your history got lost." That conversation was the beginning of a lifelong love affair for Clarke and the search to "find out how an entire people--my people--disappeared from the respected commentary of human history."

 

World War II interrupted Clarke's quest but the unexpected stint in the army provided him with valuable experience in administrative control while a clerk in an all black unit. Clarke returned to the states and was mentored by many of the great 20th century black historians of the day including Arthur Schomburg, William Leo Hansberry, John G. Jackson, Paul Robeson, Willis Huggins and Charles Seiffert. Clarke joined study circles such as the Harlem History Club and the Harlem Writers' Workshop, where he met such future luminaries as Kwame Nkrumah, Langston Hughes and Richard Wright.

 

Clarke began to teach black history and said of the experience, "I learned very early that knowing history and teaching it are two different things. I had to understand that young blacks had been so brainwashed by our society that they could see themselves only as depressed beings. I had to realize that they had, in many ways, adjusted to their oppression and that I needed considerable patience, many teaching skills, and great love in order to change their attitudes."

 

Clarke became a co-founder of many organizations such as The Harlem Writers Guild, Presence Africaine, African Heritage Studies Association, the Association for the Study of Negro Life and History, the National Council of Black Studies, the Association for the Study of Classical African Civilizations, the African-American Scholars' Council and the Black Academy of Arts and Letters. Prominent during the black power movement, Clarke advocated for studies on the African-American experience and the place of Africans in world history. Challenging academic historians, Clarke helped change the way African history was studied and taught.

 

Dr. Clarke wrote over two hundred short stories, best known is The Boy Who Painted Christ Black. His other writings include six scholarly books, many scholarly articles, and the editing of anthologies of black writing and articles of general interest. He was co-founder of the Harlem Quarterly (1949-51), book review editor of the Negro History Bulletin (1948-52), associate editor of the magazine Freedom Ways, and a feature writer for the Pittsburgh Courier and the Ghana Evening News.


Dr. Clarke did the necessary and tedious editing and organizing work on anthologies of Malcolm X and Nat Turner, providing an alternative outlook from that of the mainstream views of Malcolm X and Nat Turner as militant hate mongers. He understood the necessity for blacks to affirm their belief in and respect for such radical leaders.

 

Clarke had three children with his first wife, Eugenia Evans, Lillie, Nzingha Marie and Sonni Kojo. At his death on July 16, 1998, he was survived by his second wife Sybille Williams Clarke and two of his children. He is buried in Green Acres Cemetery in Columbus, Georgia.

 

Proudly proclaiming he was "self-taught," Dr. Clarke was a remarkable, teacher, historian, writer, editor and researcher. Most of his accomplishment occurred before he returned to school to get his PhD. His contributions to knowledge about African people are a rich legacy, but unlike riches, his search for knowledge was not squandered on future generations. His example of dedication, scholarship, perseverance and innovative approaches to history lifted the veil of secrecy surrounding African history and its diaspora. Leaving such a treasure trove, Dr Clarke insured that future generations' search for knowledge of their history will not begin in poverty.







Venue for an Artist

A Search for Identity

By John Henrik Clarke (May 1970)



Heritage, in essence, is the means by which people have used their talents to create a history that gives them memories they can respect and that they can use to command the respect of other people. The ultimate purpose of heritage and heritage teaching is to use people's talents to develop awareness and pride in themselves so that they themselves can achieve good relationships with other people.

 

My first teacher was my great grandmother whom we called "Mom Mary." She had been a slave first in Georgia and later in Alabama, where I was born in Union Springs. It was she, who told us the stories about our family and about how they had resisted slavery. More than anything else, she repeatedly told us the story of Buck, her first husband, and how he had been sold to a man who owned a stud farm in Virginia. Stud farms are an aspect of slavery that has been omitted from the record and about which we do not talk any more. We should remember, however, that there were times in this country when owners used slaves to breed stronger slaves in the same way that a special breed of horse is used to breed other horses.


My great grandmother had three children with Buck--my grandfather Jonah, my grandaunt Liza, who was a midwife, and another child. With Buck, Mom Mary had as close to a marriage as a slave can have--marriage with the permission of the respective masters. Mom Mary had a lifelong love affair with Buck, and years later after the emancipation she went to Virginia and searched for him for three years. She never found him, and she came back to Alabama where she spent the last years of her life.

 

Mom Mary was the historian of our family. This great grandmother was so dear to me that I have deified her in almost the same way that many Africans deify their old people. I think that my search for identity, my search for what the world was about, and my relationship to the world began when I listened to the stories of that old woman. I remember that she always ended the stories in the same way that she said "Good-bye" or "Good morning" to people. It was always with the reminder, "Run the race, and run it by faith." She was a deeply religious woman in a highly practical sense. She did not rule out resistance as a form of obedience to God. She thought that the human being should not permit himself to be dehumanized. And her concept of God was so pure and so practical that she could see that resistance to slavery was a form of obedience to God. She did not think that any of us children should be enslaved, and she thought that anyone who had enslaved any one of God's children had violated the very will of God.


I think Buck's pride in his manhood was the major force that always made her revere her relationship with him. He was a proud man and he resisted. One of the main reasons for selling him to a man to use on a stud farm was that he could breed strong slaves whose wills the master would then break. This dehumanizing process was a recurring aspect of slavery.


I am convinced that when the intellectual history of our time comes to be written, the idea of "race," both the popular and the taxonomic, will be viewed for what it is: a confused and dangerous idea which happened to fit the social requirements of a thoroughly exploitative period in the development of Western man. The idea of "race" was developed as a direct response to the exploitation of other peoples, to provide both a pretext and a justification for the most unjustifiable conduct, the enslavement, murder, and degradation of millions of human beings.






News You Use

A Great and Mighty Walk: John Henrik Clarke



Groundbreaking Harlem film-maker Saint Clair Bourne died in a New York hospital (12-16- 07) after an operation to remove a brain tumor. He was 64. The legendary documentarian began his career as a young radical black fighting to break into the movie making business during the 1960s. His career spanned 36 years and among the more than 40 films in which he either produced or directed or both, Bourne built a legacy that captured on film some of the towering figures of the 20th century including singer, actor and activist Paul Robeson; the poet, novelist and playwright Langston Hughes; the photojournalist and film-maker Gordon Parks; and the poet and activist Amiri Baraka..

 

A student activist during the 1960s, Bourne was thrown out of school as many times as he was thrown into jail. However, his radicalism did not overpower his brilliance, which mitigated his selection as a producer for "Black Journal," the first black public affairs series on PBS in 1971. Feeling constrained by the limited format, Bourne left the series to start his own production company, called Chamba Mediaworks.

 

Bourne's artistic vision and activism merged into an unconventional and controversial career that produced a string of outstanding documentaries highlighting the African-American experience. Commenting on the philosophical bent of his work Bourne said, "A film about Selma in the '60s might have ended up seeming pro-black, but then I'm a film-maker from the '60s. I try to be humanistically political."

 

Saint Claire Bourne was particularly proud of his 1996 documentary, John Henrik Clarke: A Great and Mighty Walk. This video chronicles the life and times of an Alabama sharecropper's son, who grew up to become a noted African-American historian, scholar and Pan-African activist. The documentary is both a biography of John Henrik Clarke (1915-1998) and an overview of 5,000 years of African history. It offers a provocative look at the past through the eyes of a leading proponent of an Afrocentric view of history. From ancient Egypt and Africa's other great empires, Clarke moves through Greco-Roman Mediterranean expropriations from Africa, the Atlantic slave trade, European colonization, the development of the Pan-African movement, and present-day African-American history.


John Henrik Clarke: A Great and Mighty Walk was underwritten and narrated by Wesley Snipes, a Hollywood star in his own right. Producing this film of Dr. Clarke, Bourne and Snipes have preserved the legacy of one of America's true geniuses. Reading Dr. Clarke's work is enlightening, but to hear him speak, the genuineness of his delivery and his patient methodical style reduces some of the most complicated subject matter down to where it resonates with those with little understanding of history. Viewing this documentary allows the viewer to enjoy and appreciate talents of two enormously gifted black men. Anyone who desires to have a better understanding of the history of slave descendants and African people go to www.archive.org/details/JohnHenrikClarke-AGreatAndMightyWalk and experience the past.






Hood Notes

Republic of Fear

By Bill Quigley



Since September 11, 2001, fear has been the main engine of change in the United States. Who would have thought that across the US, where people boast that it is the home of the free and the land of the brave, people would gladly surrender their freedom and liberty because they so fear terrorism?

 

Who would have thought that the US would allow, much less pay for, the National Security Agency to intercept and store 1.7 billion emails, phone calls and other communications - every single day - and pay for 30,000 people to listen in on phone conversations in the name of fighting the fear of terrorism?

 

Who would have thought that people across New York City, where people are proud of their diversity, would fear construction of a mosque and community center downtown?

 

Who would have thought that people across the US, where people argue that they helped bring down the wall that separated East and West Germany, would so fear their neighbors to the South that they support construction of a wall of separation with Mexico?

 

Who would have thought that some of the highest lawyers in the land would write memos illegally authorizing the torture of people in the name of making the US safe?

 

Who would have thought that Democrats would compete with Republicans to try to keep the globally shameful Guantánamo prison open so that people inside the US would not have to fear having living near prisons with alleged terrorists in them?

 

Who would have thought that people in New York City, a place where people admire their own toughness, would fear having criminal trials of alleged terrorists in their city?

 

Who would have thought that in the US, where people take pride in the constitutional independence of the judiciary, those judges would turn down the case of Maher Arar, who was captured in the US and flown out to a Syrian prison to be tortured, because they fear that even looking at the case would interfere with national security?


Who would have thought that the people of the US would fear to have Uighurs, members of persecuted ethnic minority who struggled for their freedoms against China, allowed to live even temporarily in the US?


Who would have thought that the people of the US would so fear the possibility of the Taliban ruling Afghanistan and the false possibility of weapons of mass destruction in Iraq, that we would send our sons and daughters to die by the thousands in Iraq and Afghanistan?


Who would have thought that there once was a US president who said "the only thing we have to fear is fear itself - nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance…"? You tell me what happened to the land of the free and the home of the brave since September 11, 2001.

About Me: Quigley is Legal Director of the Center for Constitutional Rights and law professor at Loyola University New Orleans. He can be reached at quigley77@gmail.com.  







PoliticsY2K10

Unfulfilled Promises



John Boyd Jr. has had it! Boyd, president of the National Black Farmers Association, has worked for the past quarter-century to win some semblance of justice for African American farmers, who for decades were denied government loans because of the color of their skin. Yet something goes wrong every time Mr. Boyd and his constituents think they have made headway.

 

That was the case in 1999, when the government settled a class-action suit brought by black farmers only to find that bureaucratic foul-ups left tens of thousands of farmers out of the money. Congress passed a well-meaning fix in 2008, but it was flawed also; that made necessary the $1.25 billion settlement this year between the farmers and the Obama administration. Now the farmers are unable to collect their money because Congress has repeatedly failed to approve the measure.

 

"It's almost like 40 acres and a mule," Mr. Boyd says, referring to the government's Reconstruction Era promises to former slaves.

 

Native Americans have had an even tougher time securing remuneration for past injustices. Native American landowners have been cheated out of billions of dollars in oil and gas royalties by the government since the late 19th century. Late last year they entered into a $3.4 billion settlement agreement with the administration after an unusually contentious 14-year court battle. The settlement includes $1.4 billion for payments to individuals, a $60 million scholarship fund for Native American children and roughly $2 billion for the government to buy plots that will be turned over to the pertinent Indian tribe. This land consolidation is important because much of Indian country has been subdivided into tiny, individually owned plots that complicate the calculation of royalties and inheritance rights. But Native Americans have yet to see a penny because of Congress's intransigence. And their hopes of achieving a payout are likely to evaporate unless


Congress comes through before a court-imposed Oct. 15 deadline. Some senators have cited the hefty legal fees -- between $50 million and $99 million -- due the lawyers for the Native Americans as a reason to reject the settlement. We share some of their discomfort, especially because the average Native American will pocket less than $2,000. But the settlement should not be scuttled because of this. The lawyers have put in two decades of work without being paid and are slated to receive a contingency fee of only 3 percent -- far less than what is usually awarded. The reality is that these types of cases would probably fall by the wayside if advocates did not have a reasonable shot at a handsome payout. Even if the lawyers agreed to accept less, the difference to the 300,000 Native Americans in line for a payment would be minuscule.


African Americans and Native Americans have been the most persecuted and exploited groups in this nation's history, and the settlements in question represent modest, but achievable, efforts to address discrete harms. The White House and Congress should work diligently to ensure that these most recent promises become reality. (Source: www.washingtonpost.com )


 




Disgruntled says: Oddly, during the eight years of one of the worst presidencies in the nation's history, there was no Tea Party. Even stranger, while their hatred of President Obama is evident, Tea Party subscribers and others that supposedly oppose Obama's tax and spend policies do not oppose his continuation of the Bush administration's war on terror. According to several sources, Obama has not only continued some of the most abhorrent and illegal practices begun under the Bush administration, he has expanded these operations in Central Asia, Pakistan and Northern Africa. We have to assume the Tea Party and mainstream media support his warmongering. Otherwise, there would be a big push to end drone missile strikes that kill innocent civilians, a sustained demand that the government cease paying high-priced contractors to spy on and train local operatives that destabilize other countries under the pretext of fighting terror and calls to end other covert intelligence and military operations that scream US imperialism. When mainstream media and the Tea Party folks expose and oppose Obama for his warmongering, then we will know their opposition runs deeper than skin color.



Disgruntled wants to know: Census figures for 2009 are expected to show that the economic downturn resulted in an increase in the poverty rate from 13.2 percent to about 15 percent. With roughly one in seven living in poverty or approximately 45 million people, the US is experiencing poverty as bad as when President Lyndon B. Johnson launched the War on Poverty (1965). Those particularly hard hit by the recession are blacks and Hispanics. In response to other grim statistics, including an unemployment rate increase, President Obama announced another round of business tax cuts and infrastructure spending. If past patterns hold true, businesses will not hire more workers, they will just pocket the after tax profit. And, even $50 billion more in infrastructure spending is unlikely to impact those hardest hit by the recession. Structurally, since those most negatively affected by downturns in the economy are minorities, what is the point of tax and spend policies that mainly positively impact the nation's white majority?



Disgruntled feels: Targeted! As most of you are aware, I have vehemently stated my opposition to sagging britches. I have gone so far as to label the wearers "stuck on stupid (SOS)," and I have called on the females in their lives to stop buying pants too big for their bottoms and/or demand that they wear belts in the pants' loops that help keep their underwear from public view. Since my verbal tirade, the sag has become more extreme, as saggers seem to be trying to outdo each other. It seems they are in a race to be the most offensive. With that said, I do not agree with the Dublin, Georgia ordinance prohibiting individuals from wearing baggy clothing. Violators could face fines ranging from $25 to $200 or community service. Given that young black men are the mostly like offenders, the ordinance is reminiscent of "Black Codes," which criminalized certain conditions of being black; these included vagrancy laws that targeted unemployed blacks, restricted black property ownership and other civil and human rights abuses. While we may definitely not like the sag, we should resist efforts to criminalize it; young black men are already targeted for the criminal justice system.







Mailbox: E-Mails, Faxes and Telephone Calls



Email http://presstv.ir ...Evidence proves 9/11 story is a lie'...Important evidence has emerged showing the official story the American public has been fed about the 9/11 attacks is a 'lie,' a group of architects and engineers say. Gregg Roberts, who is a member of the non-profit organization, Architects and Engineers for 9/11 Truth, say evidence regarding the destruction of the World Trade Center towers has emerged that show pre-set explosives were used in the demolition of the buildings. The "official story is a lie, it is a fraud." According to experts, the Twin Towers suffered total destruction within 10-14 seconds in near free fall accelerations which can only occur as a result of pre-set demolition explosives. "There had to be explosives, there is no other way for the building to come symmetrically straight down... like a tree if you cut into the tree it falls to the side, that you cut," said Steven Dusterwald, another member of the truth seeking organization. The group also asserts that molten metal was found after the 9/11 inquiry. "Jet fuel and office fires cannot melt iron or steel. They don't even get half as hot as that and so something else was there, very energetic material that had to be placed throughout the buildings," Roberts said. "Once we take the blinders off, we can see. There are very few people in America who have taken the blinders off. So we are assisting people by showing them the evidence," said founder of Architects and Engineers for 9/11 Truth Richard Gage. The Architects and Engineers for 9/11 Truth group is calling on US Attorney General Eric Holder to request a federal grand jury investigation.



Email afro_colombians@afrocolombians.com...More than 70 academics and intellectuals from different parts of the world and different disciplines sent a letter to Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos on the 17th anniversary of the enactment of Public Law 70 of 1993, one of the greatest achievements of the Black Movement in Colombia. "We have been brought together by our concern for the current grave situation in this region and its consequences on indigenous and Afro-descendant communities, as well as biodiversity. We are therefore writing to you to express our concern and to call for the development of a comprehensive policy by your administration, directed toward addressing these problems expeditiously and constructively." This letter calls for the Colombian government to provide a "policy capable of stopping the current patterns of destruction of biological and cultural diversity", with the "genuine participation of the most representative groups and organizations, as opposed to involving groups who pursue their own interests, which has unfortunately been the case during the past eight years."