The DISH

Unbossed and unbought news and information you can use

Vol. 13 No. 33…Dedicated to the Dialogue on Race…August 15, 2010

 

 

 

Venue for an Artist

The Problem

By John Greenleaf Whittier



NOT without envy Wealth at times must look

On their brown strength who wield the reaping-hook

And scythe, or at the forge-fire shape the plough

Or the steel harness of the steeds of steam;

All who, by skill and patience, anyhow

Make service noble, and the earth redeem

From savageness. By kingly accolade

Than theirs was never worthier knighthood made.

Well for them, if, while demagogues their vain

And evil counsels proffer, they maintain

Their honest manhood unseduced, and wage

No war with Labor's right to Labor's gain

Of sweet home-comfort, rest of hand and brain,

And softer pillow for the head of Age.



And well for Gain if it ungrudging yields

Labor its just demand; and well for Ease

If in the uses of its own, it sees

No wrong to him who tills its pleasant fields

And spreads the table of its luxuries.

The interests of the rich man and the poor

Are one and same, inseparable evermore;

And, when scant wage or labor fail to give

Food, shelter, raiment, wherewithal to live,

Need has its rights, necessity its claim.

Yea, even self-wrought misery and shame

Test well the charity suffering long and kind.

The home-pressed question of the age can find

No answer in the catch-words of the blind

Leaders of blind. Solution there is none

Save in the Golden Rule of Christ alone.



About Me: John Greenleaf Whittier (December 17, 1807 - September 7, 1892) was an influential American Quaker poet and ardent advocate of the abolition of slavery in the United States. Strongly influenced by Scottish poet Robert Burns, Whittier is usually listed as one of the Fireside Poets. Devoted to social causes and reform, Whittier worked passionately for a series of abolitionist newspapers and magazines. He founded the anti-slavery Liberty party in 1840 and ran for Congress in 1842. In the mid-1850s, he began to work for the formation of the Republican Party and helped to found Atlantic Monthly in 1857.







Funky Hood Update

Swimming South River

By John Burl Smith



A recent newspaper picture of a hot summer afternoon with family and friends frolicking on a sandy bank, splashing and floating on tubes in an old-fashioned swimming hole could have been an idyllic Norman Rockwell painting. Beginning on Friday evenings, the river came alive with families lighting up grills and playing music while children experienced the nearest thing to a beach vacation in South DeKalb County, Georgia on the South River. Families in Lithonia and Decatur and from as far away as Stockbridge and Henry County discovered easy access to the river after DeKalb County completed the parking lot for the South River Bike and Walk Trail.

 

Raining on beach goers' party, DeKalb County employees recently erected signs stating that "access to South River is prohibited and that violators will be prosecuted." Situated just downstream from DeKalb County's Snapfinger Wastewater Treatment Plant and Atlanta's South River and Intrenchment waste water treatment plants, it seems beach goers and swimmers were partying in the state's most contaminated river.

 

When the newly constructed 2.4-mile South River Arabia Mountain Trail opened, no signs warned county residents not to bathe and fish in the river. Oblivious to the fact that the water was contaminated with fecal coliform, PCBs, sewage spills and private dumping, people have been partying in a longtime DeKalb funk factory.

 

South River is listed by the US and state EPA as an impaired waterway. Georgia's EPD has consistently found high levels of fecal coliform, E. coli, giardia, shigella, norovirus, crypto and other bacteria in river water samples. DeKalb County spokesperson, Ted Rhinehart, blames "unintended consequences of a natural sandbar" for the situation. "Swimmers had been entering the stream at their own risk, because the county does not test the contents of the river."

 

Residents have safety concerns for those coming in contact with the water, sand and pathways along the river's edge. Residents who walk along the county-maintained path complain that on some mornings there is a smell, "an awful stench," along the riverbank.

 

Community activist Jerry Wyatt says, "Ten years ago we expressed concerns about the pollution in South River. There is a liability question which DeKalb County may incur for 'creating an attractive nuisance.' DeKalb County knew or should have known that South River has harmful pollutants in it, and by making the river attractive, people would play in the water. What parent or logical person would play or drink water knowing it is filled with fecal coliform and PCBs? Yet, this is what the County's elected officials have allowed to happen."


Disclaiming knowledge of the problem, DeKalb District 5 Commissioner Lee May said, "I didn't know all that was going on but that's a public safety issue. I'll see what can be done to discourage access to the river." May seemed more concerned about the county's liability issue than the health problems a polluted river poses to the community.

 

DeKalb CEO Burrell Ellis' office was completely missing in action on this matter. His office said, "Signs are going to be installed along the park property along South River at the PATH trail-head to warn the public that access to the river from county property is prohibited." Other DeKalb County officials said they have known the river was contaminated for years. There were charges of "kick backs" surrounding the County's purchase of Arabia Mountain, and the creation of the PATH Foundation, which involved former CEO Vernon Jones. The fact that there was no abatement plan for South River attached to the Arabia Mountain deal creates fresh questions. DeKalb County officials have missed the point of public concern in this matter. Keeping citizens out of the polluted waters of South River is necessary, but the real problem is the contaminated water. No one is talking about cleaning up South River.


Gordon Cargle, a DeKalb Environmental Health official, said people who bathe in water contaminated with fecal coliform are at risk for a number of bacteria and viruses that cause diarrhea and stomach illnesses."They resemble food-borne illnesses and people often think they have eaten something bad, but actually, it is the water in which they bathed," he said.

 

Susan Salter, manager of the Impaired Waters list for the Georgia EPA, said that "all 14 miles of the South River in DeKalb County between Atlanta and Flakes Mill Road is "impaired," containing fecal coliform and PCBs (polychlorinated biphenyls). "Fecal coliform is a bacterium that lives in the intestines of humans and other warm-blooded mammals like dogs."

 

PCBs are toxic man-made organic chemicals known as chlorinated hydrocarbons, which lodge in the tissue of fish and if consumed in large quantities can be very harmful to humans. They were used in hundreds of industrial and commercial applications including electrical, heat transfer and hydraulic equipment; as plasticizers in paints, plastics and rubber products; and in pigments, dyes and carbonless copy paper before they were banned in 1979. Today PCBs can still be released into the environment from poorly maintained hazardous waste sites; illegal or improper dumping; leaks or releases from electrical transformers; and disposal of PCB-containing products into municipal or other landfills not designed to handle hazardous waste. PCBs do not degrade readily and remain for years, cycling between air, water and soil.

 

The Arabia Mountain Heritage Area Alliance sponsored a 58.5-mile kayak trip (2006) for Richard Grove, a river enthusiast, from the South River's origin near East Point down to where it joins the Yellow and Alcovy rivers to form the Ocmulgee River. Following Grove's trip, the PATH Foundation purchased 3.6 miles of rights of way along the river for the Arabia Mountain trail. Now the opening of the trail has exposed the river to people who are eager to enjoy it but who lack knowledge of its history and polluted condition.


Weekly, thousands of gallons of sewage are spilled into Shoal Creek, Cobb Creek, Intrenchment Creek, Snapfinger Creek and others - all ending up in South River. County-owned sewer treatment plants also release treated and untreated water into the river. For example, on June 28, a major spill sent 142,500 gallons into the Doolittle Creek on Flat Shoals Road that feeds into South River.

 

South DeKalb is a "dumping ground" for many of Atlanta's problems. As little as 8/10th of an inch of rain causes millions of gallons of untreated raw Atlanta sewage to flow into South DeKalb. Presently, Atlanta is building a $112 million South River Tunnel to help lower the number of sewer overflows into the South River, but to solve the problem Atlanta needs to completely stop its sewers from flowing into South DeKalb's creeks and rivers. The tunnel is scheduled for completion by July 2011. However, DeKalb's planned $755 million expansion of Snapfinger Waste Treatment Plant and the Pole Bridge Creek Wastewater Treatment Plant has been delayed because of funding issues. DeKalb has the highest sanitation/sewer fees in the state, if collections are being applied to the water treatment problem, there should not be any shortfall.

 

DeKalb County is presently talking about increasing its sanitation/sewer fees.





Bit of History

Adam Clayton Powell, Jr. (1908-1972)



Born November 29, 1908 in New Haven, Connecticut, Adam Clayton Powell, Jr. grew up in Harlem, New York, where his father, Adam Clayton Powell, Sr., headed the Abyssinian Baptist Church. After graduating from Townsend Harris High School, Powell studied at the City College of New York and Colgate University. He received an MA degree in religion from Columbia University (1931), where he was a member of Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity, Inc., the first intercollegiate Greek-letter fraternity established by black Americans.

 

Handsome and charismatic, Powell became a prominent civil rights leader in Harlem during the Great Depression; he succeeded his father as pastor of Abyssinian Baptist Church in 1937. Through his crusades for housing and jobs, Powell developed a formidable public following in the Harlem community, where he organized mass meetings, rent strikes and public campaigns, forcing companies, utilities and Harlem Hospital to hire black workers.

 

In 1941, Powell became the first black elected to the New York City Council. Three years later, Powell was elected as a Democrat to the U.S. House of Representatives. With his congressional election, Powell became the first black Congressman from New York, and the first from any Northern state other than Illinois in the Post-Reconstruction Era.


As one of only two blacks in Congress, Powell challenged the informal ban on black representatives using Capitol facilities reserved for white members only. Powell took black constituents to dine with him in the "whites only" House restaurant and frequently clashed with many segregationists within the Democratic Party.


In opposition to his party, Powell supported the presidential reelection bid of Republican Dwight D. Eisenhower in 1956, because the Democratic Party's civil rights platform was too weak. Efforts to oust him by the Tammany Hall machine in 1958 proved unsuccessful.

 

After15 years in Congress, Powell became chairman of the powerful Education and Labor Committee in 1961. He presided over federal programs for minimum wage increases, Medicaid, expanding the minimum wage to include retail workers, equal pay for women, education and training for the deaf, nursing education, vocational training and standards for wages and work hours, as well as aid to elementary and secondary education.

 

Powell orchestrated passage of the backbone of President John Kennedy's "New Frontier" legislation and was instrumental in the passage of President Lyndon B. Johnson's "Great Society" programs and the War on Poverty. His committee passed a record 50 bills through Congress in a single session, a record which still stands.


Powell was instrumental in passing legislation that made lynching a federal crime, as well as bills that desegregated public schools. In addition, he challenged the Southern practice of charging blacks a poll tax to vote, and stopped racist congressmen from saying the n-word in sessions of Congress.


By the mid-1960s Powell was being increasingly criticized for mismanagement of his committee's budget, taking trips abroad at public expense (including travel to his retreat on the Bahamian isle of Bimini), and missing sittings of his committee. Following allegations that he had misappropriated committee funds for personal use and other charges, including evading a subpoena in New York and failing to appear on a post judgment hearing involving the slander case he lost, the House Democratic Caucus (1967) stripped Powell of his committee chairmanship. The full House refused to seat him until completion of the Judiciary Committee's investigation.


Powell urged his supporters to "keep the faith, baby" while the investigation went on. On March 1 the House voted 307 to 116 to exclude him. Powell won the special election in April to fill the vacancy caused by his exclusion, but did not take his seat. He sued in Powell v. McCormack to retain his seat. Powell was again elected in November, 1968, and on January 3, 1969, was seated as a member of the 91st Congress, but was fined $25,000 and denied seniority. In June 1969 the Supreme Court ruled that the House acted unconstitutionally in excluding a duly elected member.

 

In June 1970, Powell was defeated in the Democratic primary by Charles B. Rangel. After resigning his post as minister of the Abyssinian Baptist Church, Powell moved to Bimini, where he fell gravely ill in April 1972. He was flown to a Miami hospital, where he died on April 4.


A section of Seventh Avenue, a state office building and several schools have been renamed in his honor. Powell, the father of three sons by as many wives, was the subject of the 2002 cable television film Keep the Faith, Baby. ((Sources: www.aaregistry.org, http://en.wikipedia.org and www.adamclaytonpowell.com)





Politics Y2K10

We Have Been Here Before

By John Burl Smith



The Tea Party Movement is not new; this nation has been here before. When President Rutherford B. Hayes pulled federal troops out of the South (1876), ending Reconstruction, the federal government turned its back on freed slaves and ceased enforcing the 14th and 15th Amendments. The US Supreme Court rolled back all gains former slaves and their descendants made that resulted from the passage of civil rights bills. States enacted grandfather clauses, literacy tests, poll taxes and property requirements in order to vote, disenfranchising blacks.

 

Intimidated, powerless and without any economic base, blacks spent the next seventy years trying to build socioeconomic and political clout. Following the Black Political Convention (1969) held in Gary, Indiana, delegates created the black political caucus within the Democratic Party to take advantage of the fact that most blacks voted for Democrats. Elected black members of Congress organized the Congressional Black Caucus (CBC) which magnified their power through block voting. Throughout the 1970s and early 1980s, the number of CBC members hovered around 16; today, their number has grown to forty-two members.

 

Throughout Jim Crow segregation (1890-1970), white politicians, even those elected from majority black districts, did not represent black people. Consequently, when blacks were able to elect a black representative, that person stayed in Congress many years building seniority. Until about 2000, seniority did blacks little good. However, votes of CBC members became crucial as partisan division narrowed in Congress. Unable to defeat CBC incumbents, conservatives -- Republican and Democrat -- employed a new tactic - ethics violations.


Created in 2008, the Office of Congressional Ethics (OCE), an arm of the House Ethics Committee, has increasingly singled out members of the CBC for investigation. There are 435-members in the U.S. House of Representatives, but 15% of the total House Ethics committee investigations have focused on CBC members (9.6%). Supporters of the CBC believe the high proportion of black lawmakers under investigation is an attempt by the OCE to disenfranchise slave descendants and drive black representatives out of congress.

 

The last time we were here was during Reconstruction (1866-1877); then there were blacks elected to Congress, the Senate, governorships and state legislatures across the South. White politicians created suspicion about black politicians' incompetence, spreading rumors and innuendos of corruption. White groups, such as the Ku Klux Klan, used lynch law and mob rule to force black politicians from office and black voters out of the political process. Afraid to support each other or try to defend the rights of black people, black politicians stood idly by while other blacks were driven from office and black people denied access to voting polls.

 

It was not until Adam Clayton Powell (D-NY) was elected to Congress in 1945 that slave descendants began to rebuild political representation in the United States. After becoming Chairman of the Education and Labor Committee in 1961, Powell became a target of FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover. Hoover used the same tactic to destroy Powell's reputation and career in the late 1960s that he employed to bring Marcus Garvey down in the 1920s.

 

Facing the tactics of the OCE, black people recognize that "we have been here before." This time, Congressional ethics investigations are the tool being used to do what white politicians cannot do at the polls -- defeat black congressional candidates. In 2008, a self-described "conservative watchdog organization," the National Legal and Policy Center, filed the initial claim in five of seven investigations against liberal Democrats. All but one of those cases filed with the Ethics Committee were against CBC members and were based on claims alleged by right-wing legal groups.


The Washington Post reported that House ethics investigators have been scrutinizing the activities of more than 30 lawmakers and several aides for issues including defense lobbying and corporate influence peddling, according to a confidential House ethics committee report prepared in July. The OCE has investigated at least eight members of the CBC, and referred four to the House Ethics Committee, but it has investigated only one -- Chairman of the House Ways and Means Committee Rep. Charles Rangel (D-NY) .


Acting on news reports supplied by the NLPC, the OCE zeroed in on a 2008 trip to St. Maarten. The trip taken by Rangel and four other members of the CBC last November was initially billed by sponsors as paid for by a nonprofit foundation. But later, it turned out that the three-day luxury resort junket was underwritten by corporations such as Citigroup, Pfizer and AT&T. Déjà vu an Adam Clayton Powell setup!!!

 

Another OCE hit job was reported in the LA Times. According to the July report, Rep. Maxine Waters, another powerful and high-ranking member of the House Financial Services Committee, came under OCE scrutiny because her husband owns at least $250,000 worth of OneUnited Bank of Massachusetts stock. Waters arranged a September 2008 meeting at the Treasury Department; OneUnited executives attended and later in December, Treasury selected OneUnited as an early participant in the bank bailout program, injecting $12.1 million in the bank.


Then, there is Rep. Mel Watt (D-NC), who in October (2009) introduced an amendment to the financial regulatory reform bill, H.R. 4173, which would have placed automobile dealers under oversight of the proposed federal Consumer Protection Financial Agency. Watt withdrew the amendment, arousing the suspicion of the OCE, which noticed auto financing companies attended a Democratic National Committee fund raiser held in Watt's honor 2 days later. There were several other lawmakers implicated, but Watt is the only one under investigation for ethics violations. Did Watt, a 9-term Congressman, drop the amendment as part of a deal? Suspicions are all that are necessary for the OCE and conservative Republicans to intimidate Democrats.

 

Rep. Marcia Fudge (D-Ohio) has introduced legislation, cosponsored by 19 members of the CBC, which would restrict disclosure of investigations by the OCE and require it to obtain a sworn complaint from a citizen with personal knowledge of the alleged wrongdoing before initiating a probe. Freshman Democrats from swing districts -- including Representatives Michael Arcuri (D-NY), Debbie Halvorson (D-IL), Paul Hodes (D-NH), Mary Jo Kilroy (D-OH), Ann Kirkpatrick (D-AZ) Walter Minnick (D-ID), Zack Space (D-OH), Betty Sutton (D-OH) and John Yarmuth (D-KY) -- who should be supporting Fudge's legislation are running scared from conservatives Republicans, hoping throwing blacks under the bus will save their bacon, but they do not know history. Once racists in Congress got rid of blacks (1890s), they went after everyone that was not a member of the Klan. Yes, we've been here before!





Hood Notes

Symptom of Housing Crisis


Metro Atlanta, where the unemployment rate exceeds the national average, was hard hit by predatory lenders during the housing bubble. Now, the area is in the throes of a housing crisis as many middle-class families have lost their homes to foreclosure in the midst of the worst economic downturn since the Great Depression. To make the situation worse, several large public housing complexes, including Grady, Bowen and Capital Homes, were demolished over the past decade, leaving many lower-income families with fewer affordable housing options. Consequently, a record number of families are looking to the Housing Choice Voucher Program (Section 8) to fill the void.

 

For the thousands of individuals that turned out in the city of East Point this week seeking applications for the government-subsidized housing program, getting a Section 8 voucher is akin to winning the lottery. However, the East Point Housing Authority, one of the 16 metro Atlanta housing authorities that administer Section 8 programs, failed to anticipate the demand in offering applications for the first time since 2002.

 

A mob of thirty thousand, representing three-fourths of the south Fulton County city's 40,000 population, was triple the crowd anticipated by the authority. Confusion and chaos combined with above 90 degree temperatures and oppressive humidity to create a scene similar to the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina when thousands sought shelter at the New Orleans Superdome.

 

Many of those waiting in the long line at the Tri-Cities Plaza Shopping Center had camped out for several days, hoping to be among the first to get a voucher or to get on the Section 8 waiting list. Things went from bad to worst when authorities attempted to move groups to different areas. Chaos ensued as people started cutting in line, pushing, shoving and cursing.

 

Small children and the elderly were particularly vulnerable. People collapsed in the heat. Emergency personnel handed out bottled water and carried the sick to area hospitals. At least 62 people were injured or became ill, including a baby.


To control the crowd, police command posts were set up; East Point police wore riot gear. Miraculously, no arrest was made.


On Wednesday, after the crowd thinned out at the Tri-Cities Plaza Shopping Center, the parking lot resembled a garbage heap. Some were concerned a similar overcrowded scene would occur on Thursday morning when the East Point Housing Authority began accepting completed applications. However, late Wednesday, police barricaded the housing authority and erected signs declaring "no loitering," so the crowd never materialized.


Currently, some 15,000 Georgians receive Section 8 housing vouchers; thousands more are on waiting lists. The fiasco at East Point is just a symptom of a larger housing crisis. (Sources: www.ajc.com and www.wsbtv.com )





News You Use

Section 8: Housing Choice Vouchers



The Housing Choice Voucher Program (Section 8) is the federal government's major program for assisting very low-income families, the elderly, and the disabled to afford decent, safe, and sanitary housing in the private market. Since housing assistance is provided on behalf of the family or individual, participants are able to find their own housing, including single-family homes, townhouses and apartments; they are not limited to units located in subsidized housing projects.

 

Housing choice vouchers are administered locally by public housing agencies (PHAs). The PHAs receive federal funds from the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) to administer the voucher program.


Families issued housing vouchers are responsible for finding suitable housing unit where the owner agrees to rent under the program. Suitable housing may include a family's present residence. Rental units must meet minimum standards of health and safety, as determined by the PHA.


A housing subsidy is paid to the landlord directly by the PHA on behalf of the participating family. The family then pays the difference between the actual rent charged by the landlord and the amount subsidized by the program. Under certain conditions, if authorized by the PHA, a family may use its voucher to purchase a home.


Section 8 eligibility is based on the total annual gross income and family size. It is limited to U.S. citizens and specified categories of non-citizens who have eligible immigration status. In general, a family's income can't exceed 50 percent of the median income for the county or metro area in which the family resides. Median income levels are published by HUD and vary by location. The PHA serving your community can provide you with the income limits for your area and family size.

 

During the application process, the PHA collects information on family income, assets, and family composition and verifies this information with other local agencies, your employer and bank. This information is then used to determine program eligibility and the amount of housing assistance.

 

If the PHA determines that your family is eligible, your name will be placed on a waiting list, if it cannot immediately provide assistance. If your name is placed on the waiting list, once your name is reached, the PHA will contact you and issue you a housing voucher.

 

If you are interested in applying for a voucher, contact the local PHA or HUD Office nearest you. In addition to the housing choice voucher program, you may also ask to be placed on the waiting list for the public housing program. HUD also administers other subsidized programs and you may obtain a list of programs in your area from the Office of Housing at your local HUD office or visit www.hud.gov.




Disgruntled wants to know: The chaotic situation that occurred in East Point this week raised a question that has repeated itself several times in my mind over the past decade. Crowd scenes from East Point show a mass of black humanity hoping to secure housing vouchers. The same scene, in terms of the sheer mass of poor black people, is repeated when one goes to the unemployment or Social Security office; there is a sea of black people filing for SSI or Social Security Retirement benefits and unemployment and/or searching for jobs. The same is true at the public assistance office, where people apply for food stamps and Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF), and at Grady Hospital, where the poor go to receive medical assistance. The burning question is, since white people vastly outnumber blacks and more of them receive public assistance for low-income families and individuals, where do they go to apply and be re-certified for these programs?



Disgruntled says: There were rumors during the run-up to his election as DeKalb County, Georgia CEO that Vernon Jones, the first black to hold this position, was a Republican masquerading as a Democrat. DeKalb County is majority black and the vast majority of blacks vote for Democrats. So, Jones did the smart thing and served two terms in the position. His major coups in office included the purchase of Arabia Mountain, passage of a real estate tax for the purchase of green space and making the annual garbage pickup fee part of homeowners' property tax. Regarding the land purchase, there were rumors of kickbacks and sweetheart deals; Jones claimed his driving interest in the purchase was improving the lives of DeKalb residents. When asked about the polluted South River, which runs along the walking trail and one of the improvements made as a result of the land deal, Jones remarked that "it is no more polluted than the Chattahoochee." His cavalier retort belies his earlier expression of concern for county residents' health. Basically, for blacks, the legacy of Jones is one of being shafted by one of our own black elected officials.



Disgruntled feels: Lynched! Lynching in the United States is part and parcel of the social fabric. If you are shaky on your real American history, you may have missed this crown jewel of American heritage. For a quick insight into this harsh reality, read John Greenleaf Whittier's "The Lynching Bee;" it aptly describes how enthusiastically all ages of American whites participated in this great American pastime. Shamed out of public castrations, hangings, burnings and various other dismemberments, public lynchings, except death by cops and racial profiling, are more subtle. Today, we have investigations that ruin an aspiring career or tarnish a life of good works. Nevertheless, a life is tarred; a victim has been lynched!







Mailbox: E-Mails, Faxes and Telephone Calls



Email gregdempsey@sti.net ...Cops Sued after Firing 42 Times at Carjacked Mom, Kids - The Florida Times-Union reports the lawsuit alleges that the Jacksonville Sheriff's Office has a "widespread practice" of unjustified shootings. A mother who was shot along with her two-year-old son when they were carjacked at a drive-through restaurant in Jacksonville, Florida, has filed a civil rights lawsuit against the police. JoAnn Cooper, along with her daughter, seven-year-old Alexis, and her son, two-year-old Daniel Crichton (right), were at a Wendy's drive-through when they were carjacked in March. According to the lawsuit, Jeremiah Mathis, who police say had just robbed a nearby Wachovia branch, jumped into Cooper's car. Cooper managed to knock a gun out of Mathis' hands before police officers opened fire on the car. Mathis was killed. Cooper was shot in the foot, while two-year-old Daniel was shot by one bullet that hit his arm and chest. He lost parts of his lungs and ribs, according to the suit. When Mathis attempted to get out of the car, officers opened fire a second time. Five police officers are alleged to have fired a total of 42 rounds at the car.



Email gregdempsey@sti.net ...The New Orleans Times-Picayune has uncovered evidence that police officers physically attacked two city residents and a working photojournalist, on Sept. 1, 2005, three days after Hurricane Katrina made landfall. The story helps explain a mysterious scene we reported about last December in a joint project with the Times-Picayune and PBS' FRONTLINE, one of a series of reports documenting violent encounters between citizens and officers of New Orleans Police Department in the aftermath of Katrina. The latest news centers on a violent encounter that occurred on Religious Street, not far from the Ernest N. Morial Convention Center. Responding to a shooting incident, officers severely beat two handcuffed men they suspected of firing at police, leaving one of the men missing numerous teeth, reports Times-Picayune city editor Gordon Russell. "It seems the officers had the wrong guys: According to Russell, the two men weren't armed, and police didn't have evidence to detain or jail them. When Lucas Oleniuk, a photographer for the Toronto Star, began clicking off photos of the episode, he got caught up in the violence. Oleniuk says police hurled him to the ground, kicked him, and seized his cameras. The cops returned the equipment but pulled out a memory card containing the digital pictures the photographer had snapped. "The New Orleans Police Department has issued no official statement on the story, though a former captain who was present that day denied seeing any physical abuse.  "Russell himself witnessed the aftermath of the apparent beating - a scene he described in the December report but hadn't been able to piece together until now."