The DISH
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Vol. 12 Issue 40…Dedicated to the Dialogue on
Race…October 4, 2009

A General's Prognosis
or Postmortem
By John Burl Smith
After reviewing reports and
articles discussing the current situation in Afghanistan,
it is unclear whether the discussion represents a prognosis for Afghanistan or a look back at Vietnam.
According to the top U.S.
and NATO commander in Afghanistan,
Gen. Stanley McChrystal, prospects of success, as anticipated just six months
ago, have not followed the course laid out and the peculiarities presented
represent a dismal picture for recovery without radical procedures. If one
replaced the words Afghanistan
and the Taliban with Vietnam
and Viet Cong, the General's report would read like a postmortem of the
failures and mistakes in Vietnam.
Reminiscent of a stroll down
memory lane, the general's desire "for more forces within the next
year" or conflict "will likely result in failure" evoked images
offered in the mid-1960s to justify escalating the Vietnam incursion. Beginning with
Gen. Westmoreland's demand for more troops to "combat a growing
insurgency," generals on the ground wanted more troops to stabilize the
situation while they "Vietnamize the war." Behind growing losses,
they needed another 50,000 soldiers to clear out sanctuaries along the borders
of Laos and Cambodia. Finally, to drive the "North
Vietnamese back across the De-Militarized Zone (DMZ), they needed another
100,000 troops."
After 560,000 troops and well
over 200,000 American deaths, Congress ended the madness. But the generals
insist even today, "We were not given a chance to win." History has
never witnessed a general who did not say he needed more troops when defeat
stared him in the face. A general's job is to fight wars not to find a road to
peace. German generals sent children and old men into combat to keep WWII going
a few more years. Like a mad scientist needing subjects for an experiment,
McChrystal said, "While the situation is serious, success is still
achievable. But without more forces and rapid implementation of a genuine
counterinsurgency strategy, defeat is likely."
Taking a page from the Vietnam
War playbook, McChrystal described the Taliban as, "a muscular and
sophisticated enemy that uses modern propaganda and systematically reaches into
Afghanistan's
prisons to recruit and plan operations." Vietnam commanders described the
Viet Cong with similar phraseology to magnify their request for more troops.
The thing US generals failed to accept in Vietnam and now in Afghanistan is
that they were fighting local farmers, teachers, preachers and shopkeepers,
which is why they are losing, as the British lost to the same kind of rag-tag
army in 1776 here in North America. They should have learned from Ho Chi Mien
that any time a foreign invader or occupier faces a determined local opposition
that is willing to fight no matter what the odds or how long it takes, the
occupier/oppressor always lose.
Afghanistan
has been known as the "graveyard of empires" since Alexander the
Great faltered there. It has no oil or other valuable resources -- except
opium. Militarily, its rugged terrain constitutes a fortress, augmented by
roughly 40,000 rural villages and hamlets. Afghans have resisted would-be
conquerors, including Romans, Medians, Persians, Turks, Mongols, British and
the Soviets, for thousands of years. No matter their claims or justification,
every would-be conqueror has met the same fate. At some point, each has come to
the same realization, regardless of the amount of treasury and lives expended,
"Afghanistan is not worth another dime or young life," and left.
Given that history, how smart does one have to be to understand "the hand
writing on the wall?" This is where that prophecy occurred.
Like most "brave new"
leaders in a "brave new world," President Barack Obama came to power
convinced he was smart enough to pick people smart enough to whip a bunch of backward
warlords in a country without a standing army. Based on his
"intelligence," he threw in 21,000 more troops and upped the ante to
around 100,000 foreign occupiers. The Afghans called his bluff and six months
later, Gen. McChrystal's prognosis calls for a pot of 130,000 to stay in the
game. Again, Obama is following the generals into the same kind of morass that
became Richard Nixon's postmortem in Vietnam.
First, the war was widened with the incursion into Laos
and Cambodia, as Obama has
moved into Pakistan.
After failing to chase the Viet Cong from their border sanctuaries, Nixon tried
bombing them into submission. (Laos
is actually the most heavily bombed country in world history, and on average
one person is still being killed by American bombs every two days in Laos, 25 years
after the war ended.) Smart guy that he is, Obama should realize generals will
always claim that one more Gallipoli, Battle of
the Bulge, Dien Bien Phu or Mogadishu
occupation will snatch victory from the jaws of defeat.
However, in the end, desperate generals, who believe victory depends on whether
they get another few thousand troops, when they already possess overwhelming
technical superiority, never win. Obama needs to recognize that Generals enjoy
their greatest power when a country is at war. They are heroes when they win
but blame politicians when they lose.
The Vietnam War postmortem shows that as long as the US was there, corruption was
rampant. The prognosis is that corruption will be the death of the Karzai regime.
Afghanistan is riddled with
the same problem as Vietnam
because the US
is trying to buy support for western-style democracy, which Afghans do not
trust or understand. If Afghanistan
was a patient with cancer, one would say it has a quack for a physician, who
keeps prescribing heavier and heavier doses of radiation which will kill the
doctor long before killing either the cancer or patient.

Bit of History
Hamid Karzai
"If
I am called a puppet because we are grateful to America, then let that be my
nickname." (Afghan President Hamid Karzai in 2008 interview)
Hamid Karzai is an ethnic Pashtun of the Popalzai tribe. Born December 24, 1957
in the village of Karz, which is located on the southern edge of the Afghanistan city of Kandahar, his family enjoyed close ties with
the former Afghan King, Zahir Shah. His grandfather, Khair Mohammad Khan,
served in Afghanistan's
war of independence (1919) and was Deputy Speaker of the Senate. His father,
Abdul Ahad Karzai, served as Deputy Speaker of the Parliament during the 1960s.
Karzai attended Mahmood Hotaki
Elementary School in Kandahar
and Sayed Jamaluddin
Afghani School
in Kabul. In
1976, he graduated from Habibia
High School. From 1979 to
1983, Karzai studied political science at Himachal
Pradesh University
in Shimla, Himachal Pradesh,
India. After
obtaining his Master's degree, Karzai worked as a fund-raiser for the
anti-Soviet Mujahideen or Holy Warriors during the Soviet intervention of Afghanistan.
The US
supplied and funded the Mujahideen; Karzai served a contact for the Central
Intelligence Agency (CIA) at the time. While Karzai remained to fight the
Soviet occupation, his six brothers immigrated to the US.
When the Soviet-backed Afghan
government fell in 1992, Karzai served as Deputy Foreign Minister in the
government of Burhanuddin Rabbani, who was overthrown by the Taliban in 1996.
Initially, Karzai was a Taliban supporter, but he later refused to serve as
their ambassador to the United Nations, instead choosing to live in exile in Quetta, Pakistan,
where he worked to reinstate the former Afghan king, Zahir Shah.
Following the July 14, 1999 assassination of his father, presumably by Taliban
agents, Karzai swore revenge and worked to overthrow the Taliban. In 2001,
following the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks in the US, Karzai and Mujahideen loyal to the Northern
Alliance worked with the US
military to overthrow the Taliban. In December 2001, Karzai was sworn in as
chairman of the interim government. On June 13, 2002, the Loya Jirga appointed
Karzai interim President of the Afghan Transitional Administration. In 2004,
following a brief campaign marred by voting irregularities and a surge in
violence, Karzai was elected president of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan.
He garnered 21 of the 34 provinces in defeating his 22 opponents.
Since being installed in power, Karzai has survived a number of assassination
attempts. In general, he is viewed as so weak that he has often been ridiculed
as the "Mayor of Kabul." His efforts to unify the country and bring
peace have largely failed, and he has been accused of being corrupt.
While he has promised to eliminate opium-poppy cultivation in the country,
which helps fuel the ongoing insurgency, fear of harming the livelihood of his
countrymen has led Karzai to reject US proposals to end poppy production
through aerial spraying of herbicides. In addition, his younger brother, Ahmed
Wali Karzai, is rumored to be involved in the heroin trade.
Because the more remote areas
have historically been under the influence of various local leaders, Karzai has
moved cautiously on reform for fear of risking an uprising. Failure to secure
Afghanistan from the Taliban and the growing number of NATO soldiers' deaths,
in addition to the economic crises they face at home, some Western nations have
began to distance themselves from the Karzai government.
Karzai is well versed in several
languages, including his mother-tongue Pashto, as well as Persian (Dari), Urdu,
Hindi, English and French. He is often seen wearing a Karakul hat, something
that has been worn by many Afghan kings in the past. The recipient of a number
of honorary degrees and awards, including an honorary doctorate in literature
from his alma mater Himachal Pradesh University
in India and an honorary
Doctor of Laws Degree from Georgetown
University, Karzai became
an Honorary British Knight in 2003.
Karzai is married to Zeenat
Quraishi, an obstetrician, who has worked with Afghan refugees living in Pakistan.
The couple has a son, Mirwais Karzai, who was born in 2007. In 2009, Karzai won
re-election for presidential with 54.6% of the votes. (Sources: http://en.wikipedia.org, www.globalsecurity.org and www.achievement.org)

Intuit's Vibe
Exporting Democracy
By Mumia Abu-Jamal
Since 2001, U.S. presidents
have tried to sell their foreign adventures and invasions as exercises in
exporting democracy -- as if democracy was a crate of corn, or a barrel of oil.
Few modern presidents spoke of
this more often or with more intensity than former president George W. Bush.
Few were more disbelieved than he.
It was the height of irony for him
to declare, as he often did, that democracies were peaceful, as he spoke atop a
rotting hill of bomb-blasted bodies and bones.
Many apologists for the Afghan
war have used the export of democracy argument to justify its invasion and
occupation.
The installment of Hamid Karzai
was supposed to be the crystallization of this democratizing impulse, as was
the recent 'election.'
Perhaps the urbane Karzai learned
his lesson only too well, if the explosion of ballot-box stuffing, corrupt
voting, and other violations are any indication.
Americans certainly know a thing
or two about stolen elections and botched balloting. The two Bush campaigns
were exemplars of the art.
Democracies, like cuisine, are
best home-grown. Bayonets of foreigners are poor conductors of democracy.
Karzai is about as puppet-like as can be seen without strings. He is British
raised, U.S. paid and U.S. preserved.
He is, essentially, the Mayor of Kabul, who heads a cabinet of narcotraffikers
and warlords. And despite the title, he is controlled and led by them, rather
than the reverse.
For years, Karzai was so
distrustful of his fellow Afghans, and so devoid of even his own tribal
support, that his personal bodyguards were a corps of beefy, buzz-cut
Americans. Imagine a U.S.
president surrounded by an armed cadre of foreign soldiers!
Afghanistan
is about as much a democracy as Iraq
is, or Pakistan
is. It is a state ruled, not by Afghan will, but by foreign elites and local
compradors. But it is not, and can not be, a place of peace.
For it is not a democracy, nor governed by
popular will. Call it a narcocracy (rule by drug lords); or a kleptocracy (rule
by thieves). Just don't call it a democracy.

Venue for an Artist
Afghanistan
Graveyard of Empires
By Milton Bearden
Michni Point,
Pakistan's last outpost at
the western end of the barren winding Khyber Pass stands sentinel over Torkham
Gate, the deceptively orderly border crossing into Afghanistan. Frontier Scouts in
gray shalwar kameezes (traditional tunics and loose pants) and black berets
patrol the lonely station commanded by a major of the legendary Khyber Rifles,
the militia force that has been guarding the border with Afghanistan since the
nineteenth century, first for British India and then for Pakistan. This spot,
perhaps more than any other, has witnessed the traverse of the world's great
armies on campaigns of conquest to and from South and Central
Asia. All eventually ran into trouble in their encounters with the
unruly Afghan tribals.
Alexander the Great sent his
supply trains through the Khyber, then skirted northward with his army to the Konar Valley
on his campaign in 327 BC. There he ran into fierce resistance and, struck by
an Afghan archer's arrow, barely made it to the Indus River
with his life. Genghis Khan and the great Mughal emperors began passing through
the Khyber a millennium later and ultimately established the greatest of
empires-but only after reaching painful accommodations with the Afghans. From
Michni Point, a trained eye can still see the ruins of the Mughal signal towers
used to relay complex torch-light messages 1,500 miles from Calcutta
to Bukhara in
less than an hour.
In the nineteenth century the Khyber became the fulcrum of the Great Game, the
contest between the United Kingdom
and Russia for control of
Central Asia and India.
The first Afghan War (1839-42) began when British commanders sent a huge army
of British and Indian troops into Afghanistan to secure it against
Russian incursions, replacing the ruling emir with a British
protégé. Facing Afghan opposition, by January 1842 the British
were forced to withdraw from Kabul
with a column of 16,500 soldiers and civilians, heading east to the garrison at
Jalalabad, 110 miles away. Only a single survivor of that group ever made it to
Jalalabad safely, though the British forces did recover some prisoners many
months later.
According to the late Louis
Dupree, the premier historian of Afghanistan, four factors contributed to the British
disaster: the occupation of Afghan territory by foreign troops, the placing of
an unpopular emir on the throne, the harsh acts of the British -supported
Afghans against their local enemies, and the reduction of the subsidies paid to
the tribal chiefs by British political agents. The British would repeat these
mistakes in the second Afghan War (1878-81), as would the Soviets a century
later; the United States
would be wise to consider them today.
In the aftermath of the second British misadventure in Afghanistan,
Rudyard Kipling penned his immortal lines on the role of the local women in
tidying up the battlefields:
When you're wounded and left on Afghanistan's plains
and the women come out to cut up what remains
Jest roll to your rite an' blowout your brains
An' go to your Gawd like a soldier.
The British fought yet a third war with Afghanistan in 1917, an encounter
that neither burnished British martial history nor subdued the Afghan people.
But by the end of World War I, that phase of the Great Game was over. During World War II, Afghanistan
flirted with Aryanism and the Third Reich, becoming, fleetingly, "the Switzerland" of Central
Asia in a new game of intrigue as Allied and Axis coalitions
jockeyed for position in the region. But after the war the country settled back
into its natural state of ethnic and factional squabbling. The Soviet Union
joined in from the sidelines, but Afghanistan was so remote from the
consciousness of the West that scant attention was paid to it until the last
king, Zahir Shah, was deposed in 1973. Then began the cycle of conflict that
continues to the present.
About Me: From 1986 to 1989, Bearden
served as CIA station chief in Pakistan, where he was responsible for the spy
agency's covert action program in support of the Afghan resistance to the
Soviet-supported government.

News You Use
Anti-War Movement
Within weeks after the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks, the US was on its way to pounding Afghanistan
back to the Stone Age, supposedly because the Taliban would not turn over Osama
bin Laden, the alleged mastermind of the plot. Eight years later, the US and
NATO are no closer to winning the war against the Taliban or finding bin
Laden's hiding spot than they were on October 7, 2001. In the meantime, more Americans
have died in Afghanistan and
Iraq
than perished in the initial terrorist attack.
As the deaths continue to mount,
with a majority of Americans opposed to these conflicts, the generals are
demanding more troops and the worst economic downturn since the Great
Depression is taking its toll on the American heartland. This perfect storm of
events has energized the anti-war movement. Anti-war protests are planned all
over the country, as veterans, loved ones and others take to the streets to
object to the continued expenditure of lives and treasure in a war that experts
claim cannot be won by the force of arms alone.
In October, Military Families
Speak Out and others are planning anti-war demonstrations across the nation to
mark the eighth year of a war with no end. The October protestors plan to place
500 pairs of empty boots within sight of the White House as a symbol of
Americans soldiers killed in the war.
On November 7, 2009, the Black is
Back Coalition for Social Justice, Peace and Reparations plans to hold a rally
and march at the Malcolm X Park in Washington,
DC from 10 AM to 6PM. For more
information, visit www.blackisbackcoalition.org.
On March 20, 2010, the
A.N.S.W.E.R. Coalition is planning a national march on Washington,
with coinciding marches in San Francisco and Los Angeles. People from
all over the country are organizing to converge on Washington,
D.C. to demand the immediate and unconditional
withdrawal of all U.S. and
NATO forces from Afghanistan
and Iraq.
According to its organizers, "We will march together to say 'No
Colonial-type Wars and Occupations in Afghanistan,
Iraq, Palestine!' We will march together to say 'No
War Against Iran!' We will march together to say 'No War for Empire Anywhere!'"
For more information, visit A.N.S.W.E.R. Coalition at www.answercoalition.org/.

Mailbox: E-Mails, Faxes and
Phone Calls
Email vikingjohn@juno.com Tehran
dumps dollar for euro...By Martin Morris...Iran's President Mahmoud
Ahmadinejad has ordered the replacement of the US dollar by the euro in
calculating the value of the country's Oil Stabilisation Fund (OSF). The edict,
issued on Sept 12, follows a recommendation by the trustees of the country's
foreign reserves. The move was taken because the government wishes to protect
itself from the fragility of the US economy and the weak dollar. The
OSF, which forms part of Iran's
foreign exchange reserves, is a contingency fund set aside to cushion the
economy against fluctuating international oil prices. It is also used to help
both the public and private sectors with their hard currency needs by extending
loans.
Email www.fpif.org
Good War Vs. Great Society...By John Feffer....The Vietnam War ruined
everything. It not only destroyed Vietnam and killed a huge number of
its inhabitants. It not only killed so many American soldiers and destroyed the
futures of so many veterans. It not only spread into Cambodia
and Laos
and wrecked those countries for generations. The Vietnam War also killed the
Great Society. President Lyndon Johnson, with a large Democratic majority in
Congress after the 1964 elections, enacted sweeping reforms in education,
health care, and transportation, along with landmark civil rights legislation.
But the pressure of spending on the Vietnam War - guns vs. butter debate of the
1960s - eventually brought this last, great program of genuine American
liberalism to a halt and scuttled the hopes of its architect for a second
presidential term. Will the Afghanistan
war drive a similar stake through the heart of President Barack Obama's
ambitious domestic program? The two major issues currently on the public agenda
are health care and the war in Afghanistan:
the guns vs. butter debate of the 21st century.
Email www.timesonline.co.uk ...US accepts
Hamid Karzai as Afghan leader despite poll fraud claims...By Giles
Whittell...The White House has ended weeks of hesitation over how to respond to
the Afghan election by accepting President Karzai as the winner despite
evidence that up to 20 per cent of ballots cast may have been fraudulent.
Abandoning its previous policy of not prejudging investigations of vote
rigging, the Obama Administration has conceded that Mr. Karzai will be
President for another five years on the basis that even if he were forced into
a second round of voting he would almost certainly win it. The decision will
increase pressure on President Obama to justify further US troop deployments to Afghanistan to
prop up a regime now regarded as systemically corrupt.
Email www.guardian.co.uk
...US diplomat 'forced out' over stance on Afghan election fraud...Peter
Galbraith removed from UN post after pressing for inquiry into results heavily
favouring Karzai...The most senior American diplomat at the UN mission in
Afghanistan has been fired after he failed to secure support for a full and
robust investigation into widespread fraud favouring President Hamid Karzai in
the August presidential elections. Peter Galbraith, the deputy UN special envoy
responsible for electoral matters, was removed after a dispute with his
Norwegian boss, Kai Eide, after Galbraith had taken an outspoken line over
alleged vote-rigging in the 20 August election, a position that reportedly
angered Karzai.